with absurd and unjust schemes, which went to evade for a brief space, not to remedy the evils that pressed. One of these was to sell the crown and church property of Portugal, which was to be effected by commissioners-one of them a Protestant. Another plan was the establishment of a Portuguese bank; the coining of Spanish dollars-a system of enormous depreciation-was also suggested; and when nothing else could be invented by the sagacious and moral ministry, who had such respect for estabished rightsthose of legitimacy and the church, for instance--that they waged a protracted war in their defence, they concocted what they called a modified system of requisitions, after the manner of the French armies. The character of this measure may be learned from the following opposition to it on the part of one of the governments' true servants.

"Mr. Stuart, firm in opposition, shortly observed that it was by avoiding and reprobating such a system, although pursued alike by the natives and by the enemy, that the British character, and credit, had been established so firmly as to be of the greatest use in the operations of the war. Wellington entered more deeply into the subject.

"Nothing, he said, could be procured from the country in the mode proposed by the ministers' memoir, unless resort was also had to the French mode of enforcing their requisitions. The proceedings of the French armies were misunderstood. It was not true, as supposed in the memoir, that the French never paid for supplies. They levied contributions where money was to be had, and with this paid for provisions in other parts; and when requisitions for money or clothing were made, they were taken on account of the regular contributions due to the government. They were indeed heavier than even an usurping government was entitled to demand, still it was a regular government account, and it was obvious the British army could not have recourse to a similar plan without depriving its allies of their own legitimate resources.

"The requisitions were enforced by a system of terror. A magistrate was ordered to provide for the troops, and was told that the latter would, in case of failure, take the provisions and punish the village or district in a variety of ways. Now were it expedient to follow this mode of requisition there must be two armies, one to fight the enemy, and one to enforce the requisitions, for the Spaniards would never submit to such proceedings without the use of force. The conscription gave the French armies a more moral description of soldiers, but even if this second army was provided, the British troops could not be trusted to inflict an exact measure of punishment on a disobedient village, they would plunder it as well as the others readily enough, but their principal object would be to get at and drink as much liquor as they could, and then to destroy as much valuable property as should fall in their way; meanwhile the objects of their mission, the bringing of supplies to the army and the infliction of an exact measure of punishment on the magistrates or district, would not be accomplished at all. Moreover the holders of supplies in Spain being unused to commercial habits, would regard payment for these requisitions by bills of any

description, to be rather worse than the mode of contribution followed by the French, and would resist it as forcibly. And upon such a nice point did the war hang, that if they accepted the bills, and were once to discover the mode of procuring cash for them by discounting high, it would be the most fatal blow possible to the credit and resources of the British army in the Peninsula. The war would then soon cease.

"The memoir asserted that Sir John Moore had been well furnished with money, and that nevertheless the Spaniards would not give him provisions; and this fact was urged as an argument for enforcing requisitions. But the assertion that Moore was furnished with money, which was itself the index to the ministers' incapacity, Wellington told them was not true. 'Moore,' he said, had been even worse furnished than himself; that general had borrowed a little, a very little money at Salamanca, but he had no regular supply for the military chest until the army had nearly reached Coruña; and the Spaniards were not very wrong in their reluctance to meet his wants, for the debts of his army were still unpaid in the latter end of 1812."

Such were the schemes which Wellington had forced upon him, the fallacy, fraud, inefficacy or cruelty of which he had to show to the ministry at home, when all his faculties were demanded on the field of battle; but, continues the Colonel, such was the hardiness of his intellect, that he was able to sustain the additional labour.

It is not unimportant to notice the high compliments which are paid in the present volume to Clausel, whose skill and bravery have lately been so seriously impugned. According to the Colonel's account, this general, on various occasions, surprised the most experienced judges, and made the boldest efforts with consummate effect, which is a duty worthy of the historian, whose general estimate must not be founded upon clamour, or isolated failures.

In a work professedly treating of war and the battle-field, the reader naturally judges of the writer's abilities and pictorial representations, from the description which may be given of some celebrated trial of skill and valour by the contending armies. For a specimen of this kind, we return in our last extract to Salamanca, where a mighty and dreadful scene is pictured, with an extraordinary vivid and graphic pencil, to the mind's eye. The main force of the French are retiring, and Foy's and Maucune's divisions are skilfully used by Clausel to protect the retreat.

"Foy throwing out a crowd of skirmishers retired slowly by wings, turning and firing heavily from every rise of ground upon the light division, which marched steadily forward without returning a shot, save by its skirmishers; for three miles the march- was under this musketry, which was occasionally thickened by a cannonade, and yet very few men were lost, because the French aim was baffled, partly by the twilight, partly by the even order and rapid gliding of the lines. But the French general Desgraviers was killed, and the flanking brigades from the fourth division having now penetrated between Maucune and Foy, it seemed difficult for

the latter to extricate his troops from the action; nevertheless he did it and with great dexterity. For having increased his skirmishers on the last defensible ridge, along the foot of which run a marshy stream, he redoubled his fire of musketry, and made a menacing demonstration with his horsemen just as the darkness fell; the British guns immediately opened their fire, a squadron of dragoons galloped forwards from the left, the infantry, crossing the marshy stream, with an impetuous pace hastened to the summit of the hill, and a rough shock seemed at hand, but there was no longer an enemy; the main body of the French had gone into the thick forest on their own left during the firing, and the skirmishers fled swiftly after, covered by the smoke and by the darkness.

“Meantime Maucune maintained a noble battle. He was outflanked and outnumbered, but the safety of the French army depended on his courage; he knew it, and Pakenhamn, marking his bold demeanour, advised Clinton, who was immediately in his front, not to assail him until the third division should have turned his left. Nevertheless the sixth division was soon plunged afresh into action under great disadvantage, for after being kept by its commander a long time without reason, close under Maucune's batteries which ploughed heavily through the ranks, it was suddenly directed by a staff officer to attack the hill. Assisted by a brigade of the fourth division, the troops then rushed up, and in the darkness of the night the fire shewed from afar how the battle went. On the side of the British a sheet of flame was seen, sometimes advancing with an even front, sometimes pricking forth in spear heads, now falling back in waving lines, and anon darting upwards in one vast pyramid, the apex of which often approacbed, yet never gained the actual summit of the mountain; but the French musketry, rapid as lightning, sparkled along the brow of the height with unvarying fulness, and with what destructive effects the dark gaps and changing shapes of the adverse fire showed too plainly. Yet when Pakenham had again turned the enemy's left, and Foy's division had glided into the forest, Maucune's task was completed, the effulgent crest of the ridge became black and silent, and the whole French army vanished as it were in the darkness."

To this volume there are certain Answers and Counter-remarks, which the Colonel has penned for the ear of those who have impugned previous portions of his History. All who read these replies and criticisms must perceive that he is as able as he is willing to enter the lists with an opponent, and that he is truly a rough customer. His thrusts are marvellously direct and numerous; he leaves not his antagonist till he has not only floored him, but disabled him. from ever again getting up. We also learn from a letter by the Duke of Wellington to Mr. Dudley Montagu Percival, inserted among the Counter-remarks, that his Grace expresses great respect for Colonel Napier and his History, but that he has "never read a line of it," and the reason assigned is, "I wished to avoid being led into a literary controversy, which I should probably find more troublesome than the operations which it is the design of the Colonel's work to describe and record." The Duke's generalship has always been of a first-rate order, and he never fought needlessly.

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ART. XI.-Philosophy and Religion with their Mutual Bearings Com prehensively Considered, and Scientifically Determined, on Clear and Scientific Principles. By WILLIAM BROWN GALLOWAY, A.M. London: Smith, Elder, and Co. 1837.

In his preface to the present work, the author after declaring that "much evil has resulted both to philosophy and revealed religion from the want of a proper understanding of their mutual bearings," and that "the evils in question have principally arisen from moral and metaphysical philosophy, and are of such a nature as require not a superficial, but a thorough and radical examination," states, that it is not "impossible to treat the subject in a perspicuous and engaging style," and that he has been led to undertake the investigation, "from having, at one period, suffered much from the erroneous and ill-defined notions of philosophy above alluded to." He also states, that neither in the writings of divines nor philosophers is a satisfactory solution of the difficulties in question to be found-that to supply the deficiency, the present work has been written, and that he is not "without some expectation that it may contribute to introduce more unity of opinion among Christians, and may tend to simplify the study of theology by reducing it to principles."

In these and similar sentences, such as when the author asserts that his work is "a desideratum both in philosophy and religion," we think it is not difficult to discover evidences of an over- sanguine imagination, and of a writer whose years have not permitted him to experience an extensive or close intercourse with mankind. The passages quoted, at least, convince us—and there are very many more in the volume, to some of which reference hereafter may be made, that speak a similar and even more preposterous language—that the author is not troubled with an inconvenient share of diffidence, be he young or old. In short, we hesitate not to pronounce a great proportion of the work as being either entirely conjectural and fanciful, or presumptuous, or unsatisfactory, and the farthest removed from introducing unity of opinion among Christians of any that we ever read. It gives us pain to be obliged thus to express ourselves concerning a writer whose ingenuity and zeal are so remarkable as these qualities here appear. But since he has laid his hand not upon a segment only, but upon the whole circle of abstrusest science, moral and metaphysical, as well as upon the doctrines and mysteries of the Christian religion, and treated each and every branch with a dogmatism, which surely never was surpassed, whether in the matter of assumption or assertion, it becomes our duty to show that the great pretensions set forth in the Preface and elsewhere of the book, have been very far from being realized in the details.

Nor is it necessary to the performance of our duty, or for the exposure of many of the author's crudities and gratuitous conjectures, that we enter upon any lengthened arguments by way of overturning his theories. Were we to do so with a tithe of the subjects which he handles, the entire pages of a single number of our Journal would not afford room for what might be pertinently said in the shapes of criticism and reply. We adopt a shorter, and, we believe, a more effectual method of exposure; and this is, to select a few of Mr. Galloway's opinions and methods of argumentation, upon which any sober and cautious thinker will easily find an answer, or pronounce a doubt. For ourselves, we can confidently declare, after not an uncareful perusal of the volume, that we have neither found what may be called our old-fashioned opinions in matters of philosophy and religion, either confirmed or demolished in any perceptible degree, by the author's fancies and ingenuities. Nay, we do not admit that these ingenuities ever amount to originalities, except in point of extravagance; and still less do we concede, that the great desideratum contemplated has been realized, viz. a fuller or a clearer display than what before existed, respecting the mutual bearings of philosophy, moral and metaphysical, and religion. Perhaps, still less is the effort likely to be engaging, as promised by a hint in the Preface. It is at least our firm opinion, that few of Mr. Galloway's readers will find his volume perspicuous-that not one in five hundred will ponder it from the beginning to the end, and that far fewer will recur to it time after time. But now for the "Mutual Bearings," which are said to be "Comprehensively considered, and satisfactorily determined, on clear and scientific principles."

In a style worthy of the modesty of the author, we are informed in the Introduction, that the temple of wisdom, which is seated on a rock, is "the stronghold of philosophy," which may well "draw from the weary campaigner a sigh for its lofty and serene security;" -and after pursuing the allegory for a considerable space, the fortunes and history of David, as king of Israel, are adduced, as in some respect prefigurative of the progress of Christianity. Especially is our attention directed to that passage in the royal history, where the stability of his kingdom was secured-viz. the taking of the fortress of Zion, "the last stronghold of the infidels in the heart of the dominions of Israel-a place reputed impregnable, where the Jebusite insultingly boasted himself in the stronghold of his natural bulwarks." Now for the modest application of this event in David's history to the present times, and the present work

"And if any one inquires what Zion is, it is evidently, in a spiritual sense, the stronghold of philosophy, which we have already characterised. This must be taken before the kingdom of the Messiah be consolidated, or his universal reign commenced.

"It is therefore at once evident how deeply every man should feel