Mine Workers of America are to make upon the hard-coal operators, is a step in diplomacy which seeks to secure an arrangement whereby wages and conditions of employment in that industry will not be left in uncertainty upon the expiration of the Anthracite Coal Strike Commission's award on March 31, 1906. Unless some provision be made prior to that date, the present Anthracite Board of Conciliation, which the Commission's award created, and which has had control for the past three years over general labor conditions in the hard-coal fields, goes out of existence. Such a contingency must be guarded against, and the mine workers are simply showing foresight in protecting their interests by their organized activity at this time. By the action of their Convention in placing the whole subject in the hands of a committee, the anthracite mine employees have committed their interests to the National and district officers of the United Mine Workers of America, and in particular to the hands of their National president, John Mitchell, These officials will at once, if they have not already done so, enter into correspondence with the presidents of the anthracite-carrying railroads in an endeavor to come to some kind of a mutual understanding. While the Shamokin Convention did not make public the demands of the hard-coal mine employees, the more important of these are known to be recognition of the union and the eight-hour work day. These issues are by no means new ones, having been conspicuous in one form or another in both the strike of 1900 and that of 1902. Recognition of the union is the one issue which includes all the others that the United Mine Workers have been striving to secure ever since the entrance of this organization into the anthracite region in 1898, and it is the one issue which strikes at the root of all the differences which separate the operators and the labor union officials.

of the mine workers' union will go contrary to their best interests, as interpreted by their friends, if they insist upon a further and formal recognition, at this time, to the point of a strike. In an industrial struggle for such an object the mine employees will not have the sympathy and support of the public, which was a determining factor in their favor in both recent strikes, because the general public will not support a demand for the establishment of this broad industrial principle unless specific grievances embodying this principle are brought home to the public's sense of fair play and justice, which it is thought by good judges cannot be successfully done at this time. But there is an even stronger reason why this issue should not be forced to a final decision at this time.

Practical recognition of the United Mine Workers has already been secured by the three district presidents of this organization in the three anthracite fields being members of the Board of Conciliation, as was pointed out in the article by a special contributor to our issue of December 16. The existence of this Board in itself more than half-way establishes recognition as meant by the union's joint-conference plan between operators and mine workers, and is about as near to the trade agreement as it is possible to approach without merging into the latter. Having already, within six years, secured so many of those objects for which the United Mine Workers of America is organized, its officials should, and we trust will, be careful to guard safely that which they have rather than risk it all in reaching out to secure more of their demands. The United Mine Workers have the Anthracite Board of Conciliation, upon which they have equal represention with the operators, and they would be in danger of losing this substance of recognition if they should reach out for its shadow. The recognition which they have may not look as large as that complete joint-conference recognition which produces the trade agreement, but it is recognition, and should in time, if made to work to the welfare of the industry, grow into the joint-conference organization. We believe the public can be

depended upon to lend its influence in support of efforts which will continue in operation the Anthracite Board of Conciliation.

Some time ago Mr. William J. Diplomatic Bryan asked to appear before Reform the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives. The request was, of course, promptly granted. The result was a pleasant, intelligent, and informative statement from Mr. Bryan advocating the purchase of proper sites and buildings for the use of American embassies in foreign capitals. As, in common with many others, Mr. Bryan had long been credited with contrary views, his patriotic action was an indication of the growth of a general feeling throughout the country that such sites and buildings are required for the dignity of the Nation and its representatives. Evidences of this feeling are now at hand in the measures just introduced in Congress by Representatives James Breck Perkins, of New York, and Nicholas Longworth, of Ohio. The first bill of the former authorizes the Secretary of State to purchase a proper site and building in London for the American embassy, at a cost not to exceed $400,000. The text of the second bill is like the first, save that "Paris" replaces "London." Mr. Longworth's bill provides for a considerably greater maximum expenditure, namely, for the purchase at a cost of not over $5,000,000 of buildings for American missions at foreign capitals.

We hope, however, that the Longworth bill will meet with the favor of Congress. Something should be done, and done promptly, to remove the apparently necessary qualification of great wealth for the holding of ambassadorial office under our Government. Our 'Ambassadors receive such small salaries as compared with the salaries paid by other countries that none but rich men can aspire to American ambassadorial position. We have as a case in point the offer by President McKinley of a high ambassadorship to a man of distinguished learning, experience, capac

ity, and character, who was obliged to refuse it solely because of the inability to maintain a proper establishment on the salary received. In Washington there has been little evidence of each British Ambassador's particular wealth, because the same building, owned by the British Government, has been occupied by all. So, in our case, if a suitable official residence were given to each of our diplomatic envoys, then, at least so far as such an external appearance is concerned, rich and poor appointees would appear more nearly alike. This is Mr. Longworth's motive in proposing his measure; it provides not only for our Ambassadors but also for some of our Ministers; it is essentially a measure in the interest of democratic representation abroad.

The Liberal Programme

The new British Premier, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, has confirmed at almost every point the Liberal programme which The Outlook ventured to outline two weeks ago. In an address at Albert Hall he spoke with an apparent candor and sincerity which greatly impressed his audience and have created an impression throughout the country. After the brilliant finesse, intellectual subtlety, and wonderful verbal dexterity of Mr. Balfour, one of the most accomplished men of his generation, the straightforward simplicity and plainness of speech of the new Premier will be a relief to the British public, which is always a little suspicious of brilliant

men.

The Liberal programme as outlined by the Premier rests chiefly on uncompromising maintenance of the British free-trade policy. At this point, if the Liberals can have their way, the coming political battle is to be fought; for upon this ground all Liberals, whatever their differences on other points, stand as a unit. The Premier also announces that an endeavor will be made to reverse the Transvaal Chinese coolie policy, in which the Liberals will have a great and enthusiastic following among the best people in England; the supremacy of the civil over the military government in India; the maintenance of the alliance with Japan and of the close rela

tions now existing with France, both of which are very popular and constitute probably the most valuable achievements of the late Conservative Government; the lessening of military expenses, and, in consequence, the reduction of the burden of taxation.. The only political question with which the Liberals will have to deal to which the Premier did not give a decisive and definite answer was the Irish question. He went so far as to say that the Government would favor the granting to the Irish of larger opportunities of self-government, but he defined neither the time, the manner, nor the extent to which this policy will be applied. He has not evaded this question, however, and in a later speech at Dunfermline he stated his general attitude very clearly: "Any legislative body for Ireland that we ever supported was to be subordinate to the imperial Parliament."

Revolution

As reported in The Outlook The Moscow last week, the second general Russian industrial strike culminated in grave disorders at Moscow. During the week which has since elapsed these disorders resulted in a terrible destruction of life. Thousands of men, women, and children have been killed and other thousands wounded. At the end of last week it was believed that the revolt had been practically broken, although desultory firing continues. One fact seems now established that some members of the fighting organization of the German and other foreign Socialists have gone to Russia and have been instructing the revolutionists there in the use of arms, the art of constructing barricades, and the manufacture of bombs. This calls attention to the four component parts of the revolutionary side of last week's struggle the Socialists, who apparently want the destruction of all things; the industrial workmen, who want proximately better wages and ultimately proper political control; the peasants of the surrounding country, whose one idea seems to be to obtain possession of the crown lands; and, finally, those of the so-called "intellectuals" who stand behind the student movement, which, at Kharkov and Kiev, as well as at Moscow,

has been in the very forefront of the fight. Last week's affair also called attention to the fact that the revolutionists had made good use of their instruction from abroad and had started trouble in many places. For the first time, the provinces east of Moscow, in the heart of Russia, are now affected, the peasants and workmen having used bombs and firearms freely. West of Moscow the unrest increases, especially throughout Poland and Lithuania, although Finland to the north has apparently been largely pacified by the autonomy already granted. In southern Russia the authorities seem to have succeeded in checking some of the disorder by wholesale arrests of the ringleaders and the seizure of arms, but the insurrection in the Caucasus shows no signs of losing its strength. It remains to be seen what part the reactionaries have been playing in secretly fomenting the disorders headed by the revolutionists. Meanwhile, the Liberals and Moderates, representing the country's only hope, continue to fight for political reform without anarchic revolution against almost hopeless odds.

The New Russian Electoral Law

Last week the new Russian electoral law was proclaimed. By it there is a considerable extension of the suffrage, especially in the cities, where it is made almost universal. It extends the franchise to every owner of real estate paying taxes, persons conducting enterprises for which a license is necessary, persons paying a lodging tax (all limit of rent as a voting qualification being removed), Government workmen (employees in the various departments, in the postal and telegraph offices, and on the railways), and, finally-most significant of all, because chronicling the triumph of a politically neglected classworkmen in mills and factories. This class is to have an elector for every ten thousand men; for instance, in St. Petersburg province the electoral college will contain fourteen peasant electors, twenty-four workmen, and thirty-three landlords. The electoral colleges will be composed of one from each province. While the new law as thus outlined im

That the

plies a great extension of the provisions of the manifesto of last August, its chief advance lies in the statement that "in view of the fact that some even of the western European countries do not yet possess universal suffrage," and that the Czar will not assume the responsibility of decreeing it, "the ultimate decision must be made by the Duma," or parliament. The Czar promises that a parliamentary election list shall be published forthwith, that the date of the election shall then be announced, and, as soon as the Government receives notification of the election of half of the candidates, the Duma will be convoked. Duma is to make the ultimate decision regarding universal suffrage in Russia is an indication that the merely advisory body proclaimed in August is to become in some degree a legislative body; indeed, that in principle it may even have some of the powers of a Constituent Assembly. Such a change in the attitude of the Czar and of his chief Minister, if confirmed, would, in our opinion, register the passing of the Russian people from a largely irresponsible to a responsible political position, and the government from an absolute autocracy to a constitutional monarchy.

President Morales's

The flight or disappearance of the PresiFlight dent of San Domingo should not, it would appear, affect the treaty between the United States and San Domingo now before the United States for consideration. It might do so were it true that President Morales was the head of a party in his own country which favored this treaty and had given way to political enemies who opposed it. This is not the case; the Vice-President, Mr. Caceres, who is now acting as President, and his supporters in the Dominican Cabinet have taken pains to inform this country that they cordially approve the treaty; and, indeed, it is more than probable that the recent representation to Washington to the effect that the Dominican Congress as well as the President should be consulted as to this treaty was an indication and forerunner of the political disturbance resulting in the

flight of President Morales. Furthermore, the new situation emphasizes rather than lessens the need of such a treaty whereby stability should be imparted to the finances of San Domingo, satisfactory plans made for meeting the claims of European creditor nations, and the latter kept from taking possession of ports and custom-houses in order to secure their money. It is difficult to explain the cause of President Morales's abdication, because the political status of San Domingo is as intricate as it is devoid of reason. At bottom the strife is one for personal supremacy, and genuine efforts at reform cannot safely be predicated of any of the factions. There are at least three aspirants for the Presidency, each of whom has his party of armed followers, who are guilty of just as great depredations as they dare undertake, and whose ultimate aim is to seize the ports and the capital if opportunity presents. The temporary arrangement between San Domingo and the United States whereby American agents have been appointed by the Dominican Government to collect and hold customs dues, with the intention to divide the funds justly between the creditors and administrative needs, makes it improbable that insurgents will interfere with the custom-houses; while, in point of fact, the funds thus collected have been very much larger than the Dominican Government had formerly been able to collect. It seems to be in doubt whether Morales, who evidently found the opposition in his own Cabinet so strong that his control of affairs, and quite possibly his life, were in danger, intends to join one of the other factions, or, as seems more likely, will take the field for himself. Reports at the end of the week assert that the fugitive President has gone north toward Monte Cristi to join a band of partisans under General Rodriguez; but other reports state that he is about fifteen miles west of the city of San Domingo and is actually fighting troops sent out by Caceres. The probability seems to be that earlier reports stating that Morales proposed to join the Jimenistas in opposition to the Horacistas (as the factions of two insurgent leaders are called) and the report

asserting precisely the reverse are both unfounded. The almost burlesque situation as between petty violent and really disreputable bands of insurgents in San Domingo makes it more and more to be feared that interference of some kind from the outside may be necessary.

Christianity in China

Four great religious waves have exercised a marked influence in China. The first was a new form of Buddhism, which superseded the transmigration and other tenets of an earlier school. The second was the influence of the Nestorian sect which appears to have been a chief factor a thousand years ago in the transformation of Taoism from a magical superstition to an ethical system. The third was the medieval influence revived by the Jesuits. The fourth is modern Christianity. Notwithstanding many imperfections of which they are each more or less conscious, the Greek, Roman, and Protestant branches of the Christian Church exhibit one common feature in the transformation of China in contrast with other forces. What they do can be definitely pointed out as a real social as well as religious uplift. In this a peculiarly practical and permanent influence has been exerted by the Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese. Its annual report calls attention to certain facts. Christians were the first to translate Chinese literature into European languages-Latin, French, German, English-without which one hemisphere cannot understand the other. Christians were the first to open the best modern schools in the Far East for men and for women. Christians were the first to introduce there the training of medical men on modern lines. Christians were the first to publish magazines in the Far East, commencing with monthlies, these followed by weeklies and dailies. Christians were the first to prepare text-books for the use of modern education, indeed to prepare books on general subjects of all kinds; these were the means of setting on foot the great reform movement in China. Finally, in all cases of public calamity, such as

famines, floods, earthquakes, and the like, Christians have always taken the leading part both in raising the funds and in their distribution—a task which, owing to fevers and famines, frequently costs human life. In this enlightened and philanthropic work in China Christians spend millions of dollars annually. Despite these facts, the appalling massacre of missionaries at Lienchau has occurred, due, according to a letter from the Rev. W. D. Noyes, of Canton, "to ignorant men, frenzied by the bad characters of the neighborhood. it is not an indication of the spirit of the population at large." But even if it were, and the whole province of Kwangtung had become suddenly and temporarily anti-Christian and anti-American, it would not prove that the appreciation of Christianity is declining throughout all China.

Reforming Football

The criticism which has for years been directed against football has culminated this year in an agitation which is bearing already some practical fruit. Last week representatives of nearly seventy colleges and universities, in response to an invitation issued by Chancellor McCracken, of the University of New York, gathered in New York City to initiate some measure of reform. These men had been chosen, not by undergraduates or graduates, but by responsible academic authorities. Among them, however, was no representative of any college now represented on the Rules Committee. This Committee, which has formulated the rules according to which all American colleges have played the game, is a self-perpetuating body. On it are experienced football men from Yale, Princeton, Harvard, Pennsylvania, Cornell, Annapolis, Chicago. Each one of these institutions was invited to join in the conference, but none accepted. For Harvard President Eliot replied that he favored separate action by the individual colleges. President Wilson said in his letter, speaking on behalf of Princeton, "We have, indeed, come to conclusions so definite that we could go into such a conference as that proposed only to urge our own conclusions." The ab