indicates a wish secretly to frustrate the designs of the Allies. Since the battle of Navarin, indeed, Metternich has avowedly expressed a wish that the Sultan would adopt conciliatory measures; but it appears scarcely possible that the Porte would have adopted a line of conduct so evasive and dilatory, had he not been secretly assured of the support of Austria. It is well known, that for some time the representative of Francis at Constantinople, refused to join the Three Powers in remonstrating with the Porte; and, though the letter addressed to him by Metternich might appear to exculpate the Austrian Court from having given any such instructions, yet the fact, that the same ambassador who had been ostensibly blamed, was in a few weeks rewarded with a mark of honour, throws an air of doubt over the whole transaction. The Austrian minister is a perfect pattern of duplicity and cunning; and while he puts on the semblance of straightforward integrity, he makes use of those, who are blind enough to be duped by him as the tools, for the accomplishment of his detestable purposes. By the extensive arrangement and adroit management of his political intrigues, he is connected secretly, but not the less intimately, with every country in Europe. Liberal ideas are his abhorrence; and if, in any quarter of the Continent, an attempt be made by even a small faction, to root out such sentiments and encourage passive obedience, Metternich is its mainspring and secret supporter. An absolute monarchy, a humbled nobility, an ignorant people, are the favourite objects of his contemplation; and as he has succeeded in procuring these advantages to Austria, he is anxious that

they should be communicated to every European nation. His name has been long indentified with all that is crafty and cunning in diplomacy, and with all that is illiberal in sentiment. Francis and Metternich, if their names are ever mentioned in future ages, will only be spoken of in connexion with those sentiments, and that conduct, which have rendered them odious, not only in Austria, but over all Europe.

EUROPE IN 1827.

IV.

RUSSIA.

SCARCELY a century has elapsed since Russia began to emerge from a state of rudeness, and to take a prominent place in the policy of the European States. Since the days of Peter the Great, however, no nation has equalled it, in the rapidity of its advancement in culture and civilization; and although situated at the remotest extremity of Europe, it has, by the wise policy of its Emperors, at length become acquainted with the arts and manufactures, as well as imitated the manners of the more polished countries. Learned foreigners have been invited by the Government to settle in the country; and to such an extent has the system been carried, that the principal manufactories of every kind have been committed to the superintendance of foreigners, and the professorships in the universities have been chiefly occupied by Germans, who, until the custom was abolished by a decree of the Emperor Nicholas, were in the habit of delivering their prelections in the German Language. The substitution of the Russ, as the medium of imparting instruction, must be considered as one great step towards improvement.

But

The late Emperor Alexander, though much controlled by peculiar circumstances, did every thing in his power towards improving the condition of his subjects. As an absolute monarch, it might be thought that his Imperial Ukaz was sufficient to accomplish what he might deem expedient; but, though nominally absolute, the Rus sian Emperor must be regulated almost entirely by the opinion of his most influential courtiers, and the higher dignitaries of the Church. No circumstance has tended more to deceive foreigners, in regard to the absolute form of the Russian Government, than the Constitution of the Senate; the members of which are nominated and paid by the Emperor, and which, instead of being a deliberative body, receives and promulgates the Imperial Ukazes without the slightest alteration. were their decrees framed by the Emperor, without the consent and secret sanction of the more powerful nobles, the consequences might be fatal to himself, and disastrous to the country. Thus in 1820, Alexander issued a Ukaz, declaring all the serfs in Livonia free, the plan to be carried into effect gradually, and to be completed in 1826, This was intended by the Emperor as an experiment, for the purpose of ascertaining what effect such a measure would have upon the public mind An extraordinary impression was almost instan taneously produced all over the empire, and so enraged were the nobles against the Emperor, that had he attempted to pursue his benevolent plans, he would have shared the fate of his predecessor. By this decree, however, the peasantry were led to indulge notions of independence, which will never be eradicated.

The reign of the present Emperor Nicholas, was ushered in with secret conspiracies and plots of every kind; but by the prudence and firmness which he has exhibited, the country is now restored to a state of tranquillity. In the present degraded condition of the great mass of the people, a general insurrection is impossible. They are regarded, as has been well observed, "as things, not men. Personal servitude, though abolished in some provinces at least by the decrees of Alexander, is still maintained by ignorance and custom. The nobility are in possession of the lands and public employments; and though some of the serfs may, when established in large towns, amass wealth, they are still in subjection to their former lords, and obliged to pay them large sums annually, styled Obroks. In every district the judges and officers are appointed by the nobility, the only privilege which remains to them as a remnant of their former independence. The principal posts in the army are filled by the nobles, and their rank is considered as dependent on the extent of their promotion.

The inhabitants of the cities may be viewed as holding an intermediate rank between the nobles and the peasantry or serfs. They are distinguished by their beard and dress from the nobles, as well as in their education and manners. Among the merchants of large towns, different degrees are established, each class enjoying peculiar privileges. Some are permitted to trade with foreign countries, while others are restricted in their commercial transactions within the limits of the empire.

The strength and soul of the empire is com