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Guarantee to prepare graduates to pass bar examination.. Only law school giving Complete Course in Oratory and Public Speaking. School highly endorsed and recom- mended by Gov. Officials, Business Men, Noted Law- yers and Students. Send today for Large Handsomely Degree accepted as basis for graduate work in leading colleges and universities. Departments of Art, Music, and Home Economics. Campus of 3,000 acrés in the Blue Ridge Mountains. Unexcelled climate. Out of door sports the year round. Emilie Watts McVea, A.M., Litt. D., President. The Academy, on the College Campus, offers preparatory and general courses. MAY 2, 1917 Offices, 381 Fourth Avenue, New York AMERICA'S FIRST BLOW AT THE SUBMARINE Apparently the first blow has been struck in the war between the United States and Germany. London cable despatches of April 25 quote Captain Rice, of the American Line's steamship Mongolia, as reporting that his gunners had fired at, hit, and probably destroyed a German submarine which attacked the Mongolia in British waters on April 19. The submarine's periscope, Captain Rice says, was shattered, the shell did not ricochet after it hit the periscope (an indication that it entered the vessel), and oil was seen on the water after the submarine sank. Nothing could be fitter than that the first war deed of America should be to destroy an instrument of German piratical : warfare. THE NEW BRITISH DRIVE The method of the attack on the new German lines by the Allies on the western front has been that of alternate blows at the northern and southern ends of the sector, first by the British, then by the French, and now again by the British. The gains made by the French under General Nivelle in sustained attacks for a week were summarized as including the taking of twenty thousand German prisoners, the occupation of twenty large villages, the retaking of fifty square miles of French territory, the capture of one hundred guns, and a loss on the part of the Germans of at least one hundred thousand. These figures were for the exact week ending April 23, and would be somewhat increased by later actions. The new British attack was still in progress on April 25. It has been described officially both from British and German sources as the most terrible fighting of the year, and perhaps of the war. Each side, as we write, claims to have the better of the fighting, but the German claim is rather one of having successfully prevented a break through their lines than of repulse inflicted on their opponents-in other words, the British are still maintaining the offensive, and the Germans are making counter-attacks. A notable and distinct gain on the part of the British, reported on April 25, was the capture of the St. Quentin Canal, which gives them an advantageous position in that locality. At that time it was also reported that two days' fighting had yielded two thousand prisoners to the British. Their attack in the Arras region was then threatening seriously the integrity of the so-called Wotan line, which may be described as parallel to and advanced from a portion of the main German defensive line. The Wotan line stretches from Queant to Drocourt, two small villages fifteen miles from Arras, one to the northeast, the other to the southeast. The capture of the town of Monchy-le-Preux, five miles east of Arras, and the repulse of German attempts at recapture formed the crowning exploit of the week and involved the most deadly combats. It is known positively that the Germans have brought up many new divisions to meet the fierce British attack, and these divisions are of the best German fighting quality, apparently taken from somewhat distant points of the line. They are undoubtedly fighting with desperate valor. The German claim of British defeat rests partly on the assertion that the latter have not made the progress expected, and partly on the fact that up to the date named above none of the important places which have been the British objectives have been taken, such as Lens, St. Quentin, La Fère, Cambrai, or Laon. What effect will this great offensive of the Allies have on the expected new German offensives of the year? This is a difficult question to answer, but one indication is seen in the despatches from Rome, which assert with great positiveness that enormous preparations had been made for an Austro-German offensive on the Italian front, including the building of new roads in the Trentino for artillery, but that now the accumulation of munitions on that front has ceased, and it is believed that the contemplated offensive against Italy has been abandoned. On the other hand, despatches from Russia through London, under date of April 23, report that a dangerous German offensive aimed ultimately at Petrograd is under way. According to this report, a large German squadron of war-ships in the Baltic is convoying many transports laden with troops. The belief is that these forces are to be landed beyond Riga and that a joint naval and land attack is to be made in the Riga district. This would seem to assume that the Russian Baltic fleet will first be defeated; and it remains to be seen whether the attack can be countered by a Russian offensive on the Rumanian front or elsewhere. WAR ON THE WOUNDED No incident of German atrocity surpasses in inhumanity and lawlessness the recent destruction of the hospital ship Lanfranc. This is not the first murderous attack on a hospital ship perpetrated by the Germans, and it is even reported from London that it has been found safer to remove all the ordinary markings of a hospital ship than to appeal to German mercy and German honor by leaving them in place; that is to say, the Germans are more likely to attack a hospital ship than any other, because they expect no resistance. The weak and baseless defense of the Germans for their conduct in this respect is their assertion that in some cases Great Britain has used hospital ships for war purposes. This has been repeatedly de nied by the British Admiralty officially, and the denial was made again after the destruction of the Lanfranc. The Lanfranc had on board, not only many British wounded, but a number of German prisoners. The list of the missing, presumably all dead, included thirteen wounded British soldiers and officers and fifteen wounded German soldiers and officers. The heroic conduct of the British soldiers has received official recognition. They stood at attention when the ship was sinking beneath them, while it is alleged in the press reports that the Prussian Guardsmen made a rush for the lifeboats. The British Admiralty thus comments on this incident: The illegal and inhuman submarine warfare which Germany has waged upon merchant shipping has for some time been openly adopted against hospital ships flying the Red Cross flag and otherwise acting in complete conformity with the requirements of the Hague Convention. This culmination of savagery has brought the world face to face with a situation that is without parallel in civilized warfare. It has no justification in any conceivable distortion of international law nor in the most brutal creed of necessity. Equally despicable have been the recent attacks of German submarines on relief ships. The latest instance was the destruction of two Norwegian ships employed in the Belgian relief work, the Kongsli and the Ringhorn. Their destruction was deliberate, and in one case the captain of the ship held a German safe-conduct. By great good fortune only one life was lost. Nineteen Americans were in the crew of one of the ships. ALLIES IN COUNCIL With the arrival in Washington, after voyages marked by no untoward incident, of the distinguished representatives of Great Britain and France, and following visits of courtesy and welcome, began a series of interchanges of information and help ful discussion which will in importance and value probably constitute the most memorable international conference ever held in America. Mr. Balfour, the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, M. Viviani, former Premier of France, General Joffre, head of the French military advisory council, are only the central and most famous figures of a large group of experts in war and government. No set programme has been fixed. For the present, at least, the interchange of knowledge and opinions will be free and informal. What the foreign Commissioners have said publicly lays stress on their desire to help America to avoid pitfalls and errors which their countries have experienced; to show us how to work wisely and effectively for the common end; and to express their appreciation of American support and world patriotism, or, as Mr. Balfour phrased it, a common effort for a great ideal." 66 In an exceedingly interesting talk with newspaper men on April 25 Mr. Balfour said: "I am told that some doubting critics believe that the object of this mission is to inveigle the United States out of its traditional policy and to entangle it in formal alliances, either secret or public, with European Powers. I can't imagine any rumor of less foundation or policy more utterly unnecessary or futile. Our confidence in the assistance we are going to get is not based upon such shallow considerations as those which arise out of formal treaties. No treaty could increase our undoubted confidence in the people of the United States, who, having come into the war, are going to see it through. If anything is certain in this war, that is certain." The French Commissioners on April 24 reached Hampton Roads by a French passenger ship convoyed by a war-vessel, and were welcomed in Washington the next day. They are reported to have almost unlimited_powers to negotiate on military, naval, and financial matters. It is believed that they favor the sending of an American expeditionary military force to France, and that largely because of the moral effect from the presence of the American flag with such a force on the French front. M. Viviani, the official head of the Commission, made public the following greeting to the American people: Every American will understand that, in deference to the illustrious President of the United States, whom I am going to see very soon, I reserve the first word for him. I will have occasion to see you again and tell the American Nation through you in a more complete manner the emotions with which the representatives of France greet in the name of their country the first democracy of the world, with which France shares the same ideals. ENGLAND AND AMERICA A moving evidence of England's deep and fraternal feeling toward its new ally for the cause of democracy and liberty was the impressive service in St. Paul's, London, on April 20. The Cathedral was thronged; the King, the royal family, and the nobility, the highest officials and dignitaries, and officers and soldiers from the war front, took part. The Stars and Stripes were everywhere in evidence, and "The Star-Spangled Banner" and "God Save the King" followed the benediction by the Archbishop of Canterbury. It was "America's Day," America's Day," and for the first time in history the American flag- in fact, any but an English flag-was flown from the Victoria Tower of the Houses of Parliament. The American flag was also displayed on all Government buildings in London. The sermon was by Bishop Brent, of the Philippines. In its course he said: This act of America has enabled her to find her soul. America, which stands for democracy, the cause of the plain people, must fight, must champion this cause at all costs. The plain people most desire peace. That is what America, with the Allies, is fighting for. She thinks so much of peace that she is ready to pay the cost of war. Our war to-day is that we may destroy war. One thing to do with war is to hunt it to its death, and, please God, in this war we shall achieve our purpose. RUSSIA AND A SEPARATE PEACE "The drawback of a liberal government is that it cannot use the iron hand to suppress extremists," says a prominent Russian official now in this country, with conscious humor. He was commenting on newspaper reports of the propaganda for peace supported by a few of the extreme radicals in Russia. Apparently this propaganda is alarming many Americans more than it is alarming the leaders of the present Russian Govern ment. Americans who profess to believe that there is a great danger of Russia's making a separate peace are handicapped by lack of perspective. Undoubtedly there is some such danger, but the extent of it seems less than it was a year ago, less than it was six months ago. Six months or a year ago, however, this menace was almost entirely hidden from the outside world by the censorship of the autocratic Government, whose many pro-German members were the cause of the menace. To-day, with a relaxed censorship and with freedom of speech maintained by a liberal Government, the wildest agitator can make his wails heard across the Atlantic. Much of the apprehension of a separate peace by Russia has been caused by the copious reports of the attempts of the German Socialists to influence the Russian radicals toward such an end. Of such radicals the group most frequently mentioned lately is included in the Council of Workmen and Soldiers. It will not do to underestimate the importance of this group. In a leading editorial recently the New York" Times" referred to this organization as "a small group, less than a thousand in number." The "Times" is mistaken. While the Council of Workmen and Soldiers was of small importance before the revolution, of which it is largely an outgrowth, and while the exact size of its growing membership cannot be determined, Americans may be assured that it is a not inconsiderable political entity which cannot be dismissed with contempt. The fact is, though, that while the Council of Workmen and Soldiers has considerable strength, it has by no means yet been determined that this strength will be exerted for the attainment of a separate peace. In fact, evidence is constantly piling up which indicates that the people's intention to continue the war is increasing. The Russian Socialists have cabled to Meyer London, a Socialist Congressman from New York, denying that they seek a separate peace. Kerenski, the leader of the Labor party, who is Minister of Justice in the Russian Provisional Government, has announced that he is for the war so long as it is a war of defense and not a war for the acquisition of new territory. In fact, the Russian radicals as a whole are emphatic in reiterating that they will support no schemes for foreign conquest. The fact that Russia is now democratic gives an added reason for substituting Russian control over the Dardanelles in place of the control of autocratic and Prussianized Turkey. This would not be in the nature of foreign conquest, but in the interest of real democracy in Europe. In the fight of the Russian people for democracy the American people, who are fighting only because they believe that "the world must be made safe for democracy," are entirely in sympathy with them. Some day the world will probably know how much America's entrance into the war on this issue has done for democracy in Russia. To sum up, we believe that while the danger of a separate peace exists in Russia, that danger is constantly decreasing. Americans who pessimistically predict it are those who hear the excited shouts of a few unbalanced extremists, but who overlook the solidification and nationalization which is remaking Russia. We call the attention of such to the following declaration of M. Kerenski: "Such nationalities as the Lithuanians, Poles, Little Russians, and Finns, who never evinced any real zeal for the cause under the autocratic régime and would almost have welcomed the enemy with open arms, are by a common understanding now prepared and willing to defend the country with all their power. By all means let us do what we can to help Russia out of the woods. If we do not send an army to Russia, or even a regiment of engineers to parade through Russia's cities as a symbol of American good will, as The Outlook suggested last week, let us hasten the departure of the commission of American advisers whose visit would mean to Russia even more than the visit of the French and British Commissions means to us. Professor Shatzky's article on "The New Russia," which our readers will find on another page, is an authoritative statement which we believe will confirm American confidence in the stability and strength of the new Russian Government. Last week the Japanese elections to the House of Representatives, the lower house of the Japanese Parliament, took place, and resulted in victory for the present Premier, Field Marshal Count Terauchi. The House of Representatives consists of 381 members, and e its new composition is estimated at about three-fifths to twofifths favoring the present Premier. The pro-Government party is split up into a number of subsidiary parties, as is the Opposition. S P f The result is a surprise. It was supposed that those who rebelled against bureaucracy and autocracy and favor more constitutionalism might defeat the Premier. But they reckoned without their host. Instead of a traditional aggressive Japanese policy against China and a jingo policy against the United States, the Prime Minister announced at the beginning of his term of office that he would cultivate Chinese friendship by refraining from interfering with Chinese internal affairs, and that in seeking to establish friendly relations with this country he would defer a settlement of existing problems until a more opportune time. In this policy he was sustained by the genro, or Elder Statesmen, and by the Emperor. Because of the success of his policy, many Japanese who feel that their governmental machinery should be more modernized. е have themselves deferred such a settlement until a more opportune time, and by their votes have shown that for the present they wish Japan to be guided by the soldier-statesman whose administration of Korea is one of the great Japanese accomplishments of our time. 1 Japan's immediate foreign policy has two main objects. One is the cultivation of trade relations with China and India. The other is the continuance of present prosperity due to the enor mons amounts of munitions, foodstuffs, and clothing which Japan is supplying to her allies, mostly Russia. CONGRESS: WAR AND FINANCE Last week three subjects chiefly occupied the minds of members of Congress-finance, military service, and food. The Seven Billion Dollar War Loan Bill, virtually as it passed the Senate, was agreed to by the House conferees, passed by Congress, and on April 24 received the President's signature. The bill authorized the issue of $5,000,000,000 in bonds and $2,000,000,000 in Treasury certificates. A loan of $3,000,000,000 to the Entente Allies is to be taken from the bond issue, and the first loan to the Allied nations will go to Great Britain. In reaching this decision our officials have been infiuenced by the knowledge that Great Britain, as banker for the Allies, has met the heaviest financial strain imposed upon any of the Entente Governments. In making the loan the United States Government will accept British bonds bearing 31⁄2 per cent interest as security. These bonds will be deposited in the United States Treasury, and the interest payments upon them (at a rate considerably lower than that which Great Britain has had to pay for recent borrowings) will balance the payments made by the United States to the holders of the American bonds. In making loans to other Allied nations a similar course will be followed. The enthusiasm over the bond issue continues. Not only banks but department stores and chain stores have offered to solicit and accept subscriptions, and in some cases to make subscriptions easier for their customers by buying bonds outright and receiving installment payments for them. Civic organizations, fraternities, and patriotic societies have also urged the Treasury Department to permit them to conduct active selling campaigns. But, in any event, there will, it would seem, be enough places in the United States where bonds may be purchased. These places include banks, post-offices, internal revenue offices, and custom-houses. The expense of issuing the bonds will amount to several million dollars. First there must be the cost of the distinctive paper upon which the bonds will be engraved, and then there is the mechanical and clerical expense incidental to their issue. As the Government Bureau of Engraving and Printing is already working night and day to meet the Government's present heavy demands, a force of about a thousand persons must be added. The incidental clerical labor will call for the addition of at least two hundred clerks. CONGRESS: WAR AND MILITARY SERVICE As our first financial enactment since our entrance into the war has been characterized by promptness and dignity, so our second expected enactment-that of military training and service should be equally effective and stimulating. By far the largest amount of time during the past week spent by either branch of Congress was given to the bill which, as presented in the House of Representatives, provides in amended form for an army to be raised by volunteers, or, if that fails, by selective draft. The Senate bill is for an unmodified selective draft, but has as an amendment a provision that the President may raise no more than three divisions of volunteer units, and that no unit smaller than a division shall be accepted for Federal service. This amendment, presented by Senator Harding, of Ohio (who was Chairman of last year's Republican Convention that rejected Mr. Roosevelt as a Presidential candidate), would practically limit the entire proposal to Colonel Roosevelt, as he is believed to be about the only man not in the army who could raise a force as large as a division. While the debate in both houses has been interesting, it has been specially so in the House of Representatives in four particulars: First, as Chairman Dent, of the Committee on Military Affairs, is opposed to the selective draft plan, the leadership has fallen upon Representative Kahn, ranking Republican in the Committee, who has appeared in the unique position of leader of the conscription forces and spokesman for the President. The second interesting feature of the House debate was the discomfiture of Chairman Dent by Representative Lenroot, Republican, of Wisconsin, who asked: "Does the gentleman think that food production is just as necessary to win this war as fighting men?" "I certainly do," Mr. Dent replied. "Then I want to ask him whether, under the terms of this bill, be the enlistment voluntary or by conscription, the President will be authorized to exempt those engaged in agriculture if he sees fit?" "He will." "Or those in any other industry whom he thinks should be exempt?" "Whether the volunteer plan or the draft plan, the President has the right absolutely to refuse to accept into the service or the right to discharge from the service any person needed in any industrial pursuit," Mr. Dent said. "Now, if the gentleman exempts from volunteering all those engaged in agriculture and all those engaged in other industries that he thinks necessary for the welfare of the country at this time, how many months does the gentleman think it would take to get 500,000 volunteers from the non-exempt classes?" Mr. Dent did not reply. Another interesting feature was the declaration by Representative Eagle, of Texas, that he had been able to trace the agitation against conscription to the same pro-German forces that interfered in Congress in favor of the McLemore Resolution and against the Armed Ship Bill and the War Resolution. But perhaps the most notable feature of the debate was the appearance of Representative George R. Lunn, formerly the Socialist Mayor of Schenectady, as an advocate of conscription. Among Mr. Lunn's utterances were the following: I cannot bring myself to the position of believing that defense of the Nation is a question of will. I say it is a question of obligation upon every citizen. I do not want to raise slackers up to take the place of the flower that is to be sacrificed, if it is to be sacrificed. I would take every slacker and put him in the ranks, whether he wanted to go or not, exactly as you take every man and make him pay his debts if he is able, whether he wants to or foodstuffs, and of Representative Sumners, of Texas, providing for the establishment of a farm produce exchange, with branches in order to afford a medium through which the sale of farm products may be effected, and also providing that contracts for the sale of the products shall be upon the basis of grade, with the option to deliver other grades in fulfillment of contract. Unfortunately, facts for guidance in legislation concerning such problems as futures in foodstuffs and farm produce exchanges have not yet been reported from the inquiry authorized early in the year to be undertaken by the Department of Agriculture and the Federal Trade Commission, to ascertain the amount of food stocks and to determine if the Anti-Trust Laws have been violated in food production and distribution. As it is perfectly evident, however, that there is a sorry shortage in both wheat and potatoes, and that our farmers have to pay more for farm implements, fertilizer, seed, and labor than ever before, the Secretary of Agriculture has asked Congress for power for his Department to take direct supervision of food production and distribution, requesting a $25,000,000 appropriation for putting this plan into operation, and has also asked authority for the Agricultural Commission of the Council of National Defense, in an emergency, to buy and sell foodstuffs and to fix maximum or minimum prices. This last-named request has called forth comment by those who believe that thereby injustice to producers and venders may be brought about in stopping production and in checking the marketing of commodities. Moreover, they feel that the seizure of the machinery of food production, preparation, and distribution, and its administration by the Government, would check new capital and new effort; in other words, that we might have direct or indirect confiscation. It should be added, however, that apparently more people believe the contrary. Presumably as a measure of timely National defense rather than as a contribution to temperance reform, Senator Cummins has introduced a bill prohibiting the use of grain for the brewing and distillation of alcoholic liquors. The Senate seems to be about evenly divided on the advisability of passing such a measure. The question of food production and conservation at this time is discussed editorially elsewhere in this issue. THE NEW YORK STATE POLICE After a very close contest, which was finally determined by the pressure of public opinion conveyed in letters and telegrams from the people of the State, the Legislature of New York passed, and the Governor signed, last month the measure establishing a State police force. New York thus follows Pennsylvania in creating a police force for the whole State. We have stated more than once the reasons why such a force is in the interest not only of law and order but of democracy. In particular, it enables the State to enforce its own authority. Commonly State laws are left to be enforced by officers of the county or city or town. This custom results in a real inequality of law. Local considerations, neighborhood relationships, personal favoritism, tend to relax the law in one case and let it act vigorously in another. This is a violation of the principle of equal rights. With a State police the law of the State ceases to be a respecter of persons. Governor Whitman is taking pains to secure as superintendent of the new State police a man who is not only competent but above political consideration. The selection that he makes for the office of superintendent is important not only for New York, but for the country; for other States are watching New York, and if this new measure proves successful, as it will if the proper appointments are made, the example set by Pennsylvania and New York will undoubtedly be followed through out the Union. THE SOCIETY OF INDEPENDENT ARTISTS prove The formation of a new society of artists is perhaps to be taken as an indication of the stirring of new life in the art world. The old societies become, in the opinion of the younger workers, nests of conservatism and of favoritism, and they must perforce seek new avenues of reaching the public. So always 66 there is a secession element among artists that seeks to escape from the trammels of conventionalism which are believed to be inherent in the older societies and their exhibitions. The latest instance of this movement in art is seen in the founding of the Society of Independent Artists. Organized only a few months ago, it has already enrolled more than twelve hundred members and has been holding an exhibition of their works in New York City at the Grand Central Palace. The plan of the Society is somewhat novel. Its cardinal principle is the endeavor to give every member an opportunity to get his work before the public without prejudice, favorable or otherwise. To do this the simple method is adopted of having "no jury, no prizes," and of hanging all works in alphabetical order, according to the names of the artists. The exhibitors themselves judge as to what pictures they shall exhibit, the only limitation being as to the number of canvases-in the present exhibition each artist is limited to two. Such a plan, whatever may be said in praise or criticism of the resulting exhibit, certainly provides for many young and ambitious artists an opportunity to get their canvases before the public for comparison with the paintings and drawings of their fellow-workers. An op portunity like this is not to be too lightly denied to any sincere follower of the arts. If this independent exhibit is to be made an annual affair, the young artists of the country may consider themselves in better luck than the majority of young poets and musicians. The way being thus cleared for the public to judge of an exhibition absolutely on the merits of each picture, and for every struggling artist to find a chance, after free expression in his work, to command a verdict on it, what is the result? It is exactly the result that such a plan is bound to produce miscellaneous. Imagine the result if a periodical should print any two contributions from any writer, or if a department store should try to get a salable stock of goods by taking any goods offered to it. The shopper who enjoys shopping for its own sake might find zest in hunting for something to buy in such a stock of goods, as a reader might find entertainment in hunting for something readable in an unedited periodical. So the visitor to this Independent Exhibition of pictures can find amusement in trying to find pictures that are worth looking at, and even in wondering at the ugliness, or the crudity, or the silliness of those that are not. Some of the pictures that are supposed to be "advanced" are the product of charlatanism, some are the product of a mild form of insanity, some are the product of a sense of humor, some are the product of the spirit of adventure or experiment. 66 The question, "What does he mean by it?" perhaps represents the mental attitude of the average wanderer through the endless aisles-there are said to be two miles of pictures here. One picture of this sort has embedded in the canvas an actual cake of soap! Another has jewels-or bits of colored glassstuck in a woman's hair! These perhaps are understandable, as attempts to find a new medium or to exhibit the artist's sense of humor; but the large number of unintelligible canvases—some of them merely labeled "Painting" or“ Drawing"--what can be said of them? Much, if one has the good luck to run across their creator. Then he learns that these are arrangements" of lines, of architectural forms, of converging shapes, of masses of color, which are "interesting" as such, and which allow of "expression " which is debarred by the conventional methods. "If I paint a figure in the old way," said one of these men, 66 that is the end of it. It drops into conventionality. But in the new way there are endless possibilities of combination both in line and color." There undoubtedly is ingenuity in these geometrical diagrams, but scarcely beauty, and to most visitors they have merely the fascination of the old puzzle pictures in which one finally discerns a human figure, say, amid the branches of a tree-but a fascination that is seldom rewarded, as with the old puzzles, by the solution of the cryptic riddle. PICTURES “ INDEPENDENT" AND OTHERWISE A typical example of the new kind of puzzle picture is reproduced on another page-"The Temptation of St. Anthony," by |