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Three BIG Novels

on the summer list of

E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY

PUBLISHED THIS DAY, AUGUST 15

BREAD

By CHARLES G. NORRIS Author of "Salt," "Brass," etc. There is not a hamlet, much less a town or city to which The Outlook goes where the woman who " goes to work," whether from necessity or choice, does not face the question does the gain, which is evident, offset the loss which is inevitable? Mr. Norris does not intrude his personal opinions, but spreads many phases of the question before the reader in an intensely engrossing story.

Price $2.00, postage extra

Temptress

By BLASCO IBÁÑEZ

Author of "The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse,' ""Blood and Sand," " 'The Enemies of Women," etc.

573

The

574

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THE HOME CORRESPONDENCE SCHOOL
Dept. 58
Springfield, Mass.

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St. Johnsbury, Vermont

WARRENTON COUNTRY SCHOOL FOR YOUNG GIRLS. College preparatory and special courses. French, the language of the house. The school is plauned to teach girls how to study, to bring them nearer nature, and to inculcate habits of order and economy. Mlle. LEA M. BOULIGNY, Box 47, Warrenton, Va. TRAINING SCHOOLS FOR NURSES Nurses Wanted for Easton Hospital Training School

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His vivid picture of the ruin a luxuryloving beautiful woman can accomplish as thoroughly in a Patagonian construction camp as on the boulevards of Paris. A variety of nationalities are represented by the men who have drifted to that land of opportunity for all the world, and the insight displayed in their different reactions to "The Temptress" is a factor of the illuminating story.

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Sweet
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By GEOFFREY MOSS

The thrill of Hungary's passionate sense of nationality is in it. The characteristic flavors of Hungarian life fill every page with the pungency of paprika, the heady fragrance of Tokay, the languorous scent of the acacia bloom. And one's sympathy with the pretty immature heroine, cut off from the protecting conventions of a social position destroyed by the war, gives it a significance which is as unusual as the atmosphere of the whole book.

Price $2.00, postage extra

To be published about August 30

The End of the
House of Alard

By SHEILA KAYE-SMITH
Author of "Joanna Godden," etc.

The three novels described above should be obtainable in any bookstore, or, if not, direct from

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THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARDING

TH

HAT the American people have a personal feeling of affection as well as one of high respect for their dead President was shown in their reception of the startling news of his sudden death on the evening of Thursday, August 2, in San Francisco. President Harding was in his fiftyeighth year, and had been considered a man of at least average strength and health, but there had been anxiety among his physicians as to circulation and heart action, weakened by the fight against what might have been but for these elements a temporary and not dangerous illness. The shock of his death was the greater because it followed hard after a confident and hopeful bulletin from his doctors. A lesion of a blood-vessel or a blood-clot in the brain caused almost instantaneous death without suffering. One moment he was quietly smiling at Mrs. Harding, who was reading to him; the next moment he collapsed, and by the time the doctors reached his bedside was dead.

Mrs. Harding's first reported words, "I am not going to break down," have been amply fulfilled by her courage and steadfast demeanor throughout. Her personal desire for simplicity is seen in her request that the ceremonies at Marion on Friday should be as far as possible those of a citizen who loved his home and town and neighbors. But the bereaved wife also recognized the right of the Nation to pay a fitting and ceremonial tribute to the dead leader, and in every way Mrs. Harding has set herself with courage and endurance to further that end. Her gratitude at the countless messages and tokens of sympathy she has received personally has been touching. There are wonderful depth and fullness of sincerity in the people's sympathy for Mrs. Harding. Truly said the Chairman of the Democratic National Committee, Mr. Hall: "The heart of the Nation will go out to Mrs. Harding, the heroic and devoted wife, and to the other members of his family."

Thus, his successor, Calvin Coolidge, in his first utterance when the news reached him at his father's farm in Plymouth, Vermont, said: "He was my chief and my friend." Said the non-partisan United States Coal Comnon-partisan United States Coal Commission: "He held his views, but without bitterness or malice, and granted the right of others to differ with him. He argued; he never vilified." The Chicago "Tribune" quotes with approval the remark that "the American people have a habit of turn

ing away from time to time from men of outstanding force and brilliance and of renewing the ties of Government with the source of its being, the people themselves. President Harding well upheld the traditions of this renewal." How Mr. Harding emphasized human friendliness may be noted in the address prepared for the occasion of presentation to the Knights Templars of a banner and read on August 2 by Mr. Harding's secretary, Mr. Christian; he declared: "I charge that it shall not be held as a banner of militant force, not as a memorial of deeds of arms, not as a mere piece of ritualistic pageantry, but as the symbol of brotherhood."

That the late President was highly regarded by Catholics as well as Masons, by Jews as well as Christians, is shown in two sentences. The first is from the tribute of Archbishop Hayes, of New York: "No one left his presence without bearing away the im pression that few have occupied exalted office with more unforbidding, commanding dignity, more appealing sympathy for human kind, and deeper reliance on Divine Providence in the face of crushing responsibility." The other is from the Jewish "Tribune;" referring to racial and religious animosities it says: "Broad of mind and glorious of heart, imbued with that love of his fellow-men of which the prophets spoke and the psalmist sang, Mr. Harding saw the danger to America which lurked in these agitations and regarded them with loathing."

From three United States Senators of widely differing opinions and temperaments sentences expressing estimates may be quoted. Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts, said: "No thought of self, no tempting of ambition, ever came between him and what he believed to be his public duty. With him and in every thought his country always came first." Senator Hiram Johnson, of California, said: "His Ilovable and high qualities endeared him to all who were privileged to know him and enshrined him in the hearts of the whole people." And the

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newly elected Senator from Minnesota, Magnus Johnson, said: "This country needed him more now than at any time since the war. He was a great President."

From King George of England, M. Poincaré, Premier of France, and many other men of power and ability abroad came gratifying tokens of the world's respect for the dead American President.

Elsewhere in this number of The Outlook will be found an editorial estimate of Mr. Harding's character and purpose and an article showing how he appeared to one who was close to him in his work.

THE NEW PRESIDENT
TAKES OFFICE

MONG the most commonly heard

Calvin Coolidge to the office of President have been those of congratulation to the country that in him for once, at least, a Vice-President has been notable as a man of decision, and, secondly, that events have proved the wisdom of President Harding's act in asking the Vice-President to sit with the Cabinet in its sessions, as thereby Mr. Coolidge has undoubtedly obtained a view of public questions and executive affairs he could not otherwise possibly have had.

The new President was sworn in to the supreme office of the Nation by his own father, authorized as a notary public to administer an oath. It is a recognized legal aphorism that the country must not be without an actual President a moment more than is ab

solutely necessary. The simple ceremony took place at a typical New England farm in Plymouth, Vermont. Then and ever since Mr. Coolidge has given the impression of dignity and coolness under a trying situation. He announced at once his purpose to seek the co-operation of those associated with Mr. Harding in public work and of carrying out policies already undertaken by the Administration. In his journey to Washington and after his arrival he met the battery of interviewers and sightseers imperturbably and good-humoredly. The occasion was one for reserve; the impression President Coolidge has made is not that of excessive taciturnity, but one of quick and almost epigrammatic clearness when, and only when, he has something to say.

The new President naturally and

his predecessor. He found time, however, to listen to Senators, who discussed the World Court and other problems, and to representatives of the coal industry, who urged the need of prompt action to prevent the threatened anthracite strike in September. One correspondent says he "listened eloquently," but he wisely declined to commit himself either as to action or non-action.

Perhaps the best impression we have seen of our new President's personality, mental temperament, and working processes is that offered by Mr. Mark Sullivan in an article in the New York "Tribune," from which we take the liberty of quoting at some length:

Perhaps the most fundamental thing about Calvin Coolidge is the conception of his duties, which rests upon a mind whose principal characteristic is exactness. He knows where his official prerogatives and responsibilities begin and end, and he will never go beyond those limits unless there is some occasion of a kind which appeals to his logical mind as being called for by extraordinary circumstances.

When the League of Nations first became an issue in American public life, Mr. Coolidge was still Governor of Massachusetts. To a caller who asked his views about the League he replied: "I am Governor of Massachusetts, and Massachusetts has no foreign relations. If ever I should hold an office calling for action or opinion on this subject, I shall put my mind to it and try to arrive at the soundest conclusions within my capacity."

The answer had a New England succinctness, which might have seemed to convey either extreme caution, or brusqueness, or both. But it was delivered with the wry New England smile that disarmed any suggestion of brusqueness, and with such an instantly machine-like exactness of thought and expression that you never had any misapprehension about Mr. Coolidge merely practicing caution for caution's sake.

You knew perfectly well that whenever it became a part of his responsibility or prerogative for his mind to react on this question he would carefully place all the elements of it in a mathematical row, and come to an answer as sound as the multiplication table.

President Coolidge begins his Administration with the favoring wishes of citizens, without regard to party, that he shall have fair play and be exempt from partisan attack and snap-shot criticism.

A TRIUMPH FOR

THE EIGHT-HOUR DAY

EASON and persuasion are more

properly bent his first energies almost effective than bluster and threats.

solely to assuring himself that all possible honor and tribute should be paid by the Government and the country to

President Harding had more influence on the hard heart of the great steel

industry than the caustic Mr. Gom pers. One of Mr. Harding's last ac before he left Washington was to urg Judge Gary a second time to move at once in the matter of reducing the workers' day from twelve to eight hours. A fortnight later Judge Gary as President of the American Iron and Steel Institute and Chairman of the United States Steel Corporation announced that the steel industry would make an immediate beginning in the elimination of the twelve-hour day. At the same time employees whose hours are reduced will receive a 25 per cent wage increase. The worker will not earn as much in the eight hours as he did in the twelve, but the rise in the day's wage will partly compensate the loss; for instance, a man who has earned $4.80 a day will now get $4 and work four hours less. Just how the men will look at this is not quite certain, but in their larger interest it should be beneficial for them.

It is a well-known fact that a worker can, and usually will, do better work if his hours are shortened. The British steel industry has had the eight-hour, three-shift plan, for years. and the owners like it. The Colorado Fuel and Iron Company recently re ported that it found the eight-hour day financially more profitable than the twelve-hour day, and recommended it on economic grounds. A Michigan newspaper says: "On the banks of the river Rouge, just outside the city of Detroit, Mr. Ford is operating blast furnaces on an eight-hour day and forty-eight-hour week schedule. Ford formerly bought steel from the Steel Corporation. He says he is now making his own at a considerable saving. Ford pays his day laborers 75 cents an hour for the short day."

Some 65,000 men will be affected by the change in the United States Steel Corporation's plants when the threeshift plan is in full operation. New labor supply may be had as needed from the South, from Mexico, or from Europe if the Immigration Law is changed, but the steel directors admit that there is now less of a labor shortage than they supposed, and it is be lieved that labor-saving devices and better labor production by the workers will help out a good deal. Steel prices are expected to advance and the consumer may have to bear part of

the new labor cost.

A standard day for labor is eminently desirable, and the eight-hour day is now widely recognized as that standard. The real objection to long hours is the human and social objec

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