my duty to enforce-upon the good sense and right disposition of my people-upon their attachment to the principles of justice, and their abhorrence of violence and disorder. I confidently commit all these great interests to your wisdom, and I implore Almighty God to assist and prosper your counsels.

healthfulness of the people's hearts, upon the people's clear-mindedness, and, above all, upon their close and stedfast Union. I feel that none of these great interests may be trusted to your proved incapacity: I therefore appeal to the People to relieve me of such evil counsellors, and, for the sake of the quiet progression of National Good, to replace you by honester and more efficient men.

THE CORN-LAW HUMBUG

HITHERTO the British Empire has been governed by a faction. That faction is now assailed by the People, whose long-patience is at length worn out, with a demand for the resignation of its usurped and exclusive authority, and a full allowance of popular interference in the management of the commonweal. This demand originated in the necessity for applying an immediate relief to the national ills, and in the proved incapacity or unwillingness of the present State-doctors to afford any permanent or general relief. Among the evils complained of, the inhuman and atrocious Corn-laws stand very prominently. This is one of the most-felt grievances of the Industrious Classes. This is one of the first evils to be removed, so soon as the People shall obtain Power. To obtain this power, the union of all their energies is required. But there is a party amongst us, who say, "It will be long before you will get this power: seek some immediate good. Let Universal Suffrage be deferred for a time; let us first get the Corn-laws repealed." In plain language, this is, It will be a long time before you can get into your own hands power to remove your grievances therefore, defer it still longer; and though you have proved that your rulers are unwilling to desist from their oppression, and obstinately bent to apply nothing but partial and most short-lifed palliatives to your worst evils, yet trust them again to effect a cure, exert yourselves to give them another opportunity of betraying you, and spend your time and energies for the sake of being duped with your eyes open! On what pretence are we, the seekers of political power for the sake of removing all evils, to transfer our exertions for the partial or even the entire overthrow of but one evil? On the plea that on this point we shall have the assistance of the Middle Classes, who would oppose us in our desires for Universal Suffrage. Well, we knew this before. And so did they who plead this inducement. Why will the middle classes join us on this ground? Because they are especially interested in the destruction of the Corn-Tax; and because, by so engaging us, they hope to defer the day in which the "Rabble," the "Mob," the "Common People," THE PRODUCTIVE CLASSES, shall be enfranchised. Had we not better refrain from agitating on any subject? We shall then have the countenance of the Higher Classes. Respectable, disinterested Shopocrats! we have not forgotten that you obtained your middle-class Reform bill through the assistance of the Common People whom you now turn upon. We will not again be made your tools. Why should not an agitation be got up against Tithes, another against Church-rates, another against Poor-laws, another against Game-laws, another against Impressment? All these are evils; and if we may trust the throned wrong-doers to right us in one case, why not in all; and what fools, then, are we to trouble ourselves to obtain power of selfmanagement, when we have such trustworthy oppressors, who will do our work so satisfactorily, to their own hindrance! "Set a thief to catch a thief!" is a very sensible proverb; but to employ thieves to punish and prevent thieving has not, as yet, proved very profitable to the robbed employers. We

call upon all those who are really the friends of the People, (meaning by the People the whole Community, not only those who have good coats to their backs-Do not taunt us so much with our poverty, lest we should be persuaded by your urgency to qualify ourselves at your expense!) we entreat all who desire universal enfranchisement for the permanent benefit of all, to follow the noble example of the men of Birmingham and Finsbury. Working Men! repudiate this attempt to divide your power. You have honest friends who support this diversion: more's the pity. Let not their mistaking honesty mislead you. This agitation may not be a trick of the Whig Government; but there are Whigs, and even worse things, out of the Cabinet; and the Shopocracy is more than jealous of the Unmonied. But, what matters it who are the supporters. Try the question on its own merits, without caring for the tinkling of names. The question is this-Will you rather give a day's work for a fair day's wages-Universal Suffrage, which means Universal Redress; or, will you give the same labour for a mere fraction of your just right—a partial or temporary repeal of the Corn-laws? They are trying a new modification of the old game: they would have you content with the dry bread.

Demand the full wages of your labour !

REVELATIONS OF TRUTH.

CHAP. VIII.

WOE! woe unto the judges of the earth, to the lawgivers and rulers thereof! They have perverted justice and judgment; they have sold justice, yea! they have sold it for a price: they stand within their booths in the marketplace of the world, and they cry daily, Come unto us, all ye who are rich and powerful, and buy justice!

And to the poor and humble they say, Why do ye not also buy? Our wares are cheap: we withhold them not from any; you can have them at their price.

Say not that we debar you from justice! Our laws are equal; we have one law for the poor and for the rich: is it our fault that ye have not money wherewith to purchase?

And I beheld that a tribunal was erected, and the magnates of the earth were enthroned thereon for judgment.

They were sworn to give righteous judgment, to defend the fatherless and widow, to right the oppressed: and the nations were assembled before them. The first who was accused was one of their own body.

Behold a whole nation advanced as one man to accuse him who had the rule over them of oppression and injustice; and he could make no defence; and the rulers of the earth acquitted him, and closed their ears to the cry of the oppressed: Were they not all made for him? Should he not do as he would with his own?

Then I beheld that the people united themselves together, and warred against the tyrant, and drove him from their country: and they rid them of their burthens, and made for themselves wise and just laws; and God was their sovereign; and they were free and happy :-but, alas! it was not for long. The tyrant in his turn appealed to the rulers of the nations: and his complaint was heard.

Why heard they him? He was their brother, he was one of them. And they gave commandment, and sent forth their executioners with orders to devastate the country with fire and sword: and it was so.

Neither age nor sex was spared: infants were torn from the breast, and dashed against the ground before the eyes of their mothers; the aged were murdered in the arms of their children, the children on the dead bodies of their parents: the whole land was one vast slaughter-house.

A drear and harrowing cry ascended to heaven; but it was soon hushed: the nation was exterminated, the country became a desert.

My soul sickened within me; and, in the bitterness of my feelings, I exclaimed, Father of Mercies! hast thou forsaken thy children? Wilt thou not abase the scorner and defend those crushed beneath his feet? Is there no rest for the stricken and bleeding heart but in the bosom of the grave? Is thy Love gone from us for ever?

And a voice said unto me, Arraign not the justice of the Immutable! Shall a worm presume to fathom the illimitable depths of the Divine Wisdom? Turn thee again, O Son of man, and look upon the things that are yet to be! And I obeyed, and turned; and mine eyes were dim with weeping; but in the horizon I beheld a dark Form of exceeding great stature.

It approached with long and rapid strides.

In its right hand it bore an iron mace; and on its brow its name was written-VENGEANCE OF THE NATIONS.

Mine eyes brightened with joy.

The despots of the earth discerned it not: they were busied in their work of wrong.

At length they perceived it: cold tremblings seized them; their lips quivered; and Fear, who had ever been at their side, laid his icy hand upor their hearts, so that they grew faint within them, and blanched their cheeks until they became pale and white as the features of a corse.

And they came down from their thrones, their limbs tottering beneath them; and essayed to flee: but it was in vain.

The dark Form overtook them; the iron mace descended upon their heads; they were crumbled to dust beneath its weight: and the dust was scattered to the four winds of heaven.

The Form disappeared; but its mission was accomplished: the air was filled with shouts of joy.

And I bowed myself to the earth, and adored the Wisdom that ordereth all things aright.

CRITICAL NOTICES.

Buonarotti's History of Babeuf's Conspiracy for Equality: Translated by Bronterre. Hetherington, London: 1836.

The details of a formidable and well-organized conspiracy for equality and community of goods and labour throughout France, against the usurped power of the monied classes: written by one of the principal actors.

After the fatal 28th of July, 1794, when the incorruptible Robespierre, the Friend of the People, was sacrificed to the unprincipled selfishness of the respectables whose Spartan virtue dreaded the emancipation of their helots, the real advocates of freedom and equality were reduced to a state of powerlessness and despondency. Many fell victims to the proscriptions of the triumphant Moderates; others crowded the dungeons of the Republic. The frequent translations of the incarcerated from one prison to another, procured them mutual acquaintance, and rendered the connexion of the whole more close and friendly. In the prisons of Paris commenced the plan of a new revolution, a conspiracy to carry out the designs of Robespierre and his compatriots. The Constitution of 1793, though faulty, had been approved by the French Nation. It was not approved by those members of the National Convention who had murdered Robespierre. He had assisted in drawing it up, and some of its articles were too favourable to the People: consequently obnoxious to the Men of substance. A new Constitution was framed, in which care was taken to throw all power into the hands of the respectables, and all endeavours were used to repress the seditious pretensions of the unhappy poor, who were branded with the opprobrious epithet, rabble. The

evils of this counter-revolution of an audacious oligarchy were a subject for deep thought to the patriots. Babeuf and others came to the conclusion that but one remedy was available, the forcible establishment of a community of property and an equality of labour. In the accumulation of private property, engendering an inordinate selfishness, and producing an immense amount of poverty and consequent misery, they saw the great barrier in the way of social and political regeneration; and a secret association was formed to organize an insurrection against this usurpation of proprietors. "Equality without restriction, the greatest possible happiness of all, and the certainty of never losing it by force or fraud-such are the benefits the Secret Directors of Public Safety sought to insure to the French People." Branch societies were established, placards were issued, lectures were delivered, pamphlets and journals were circulated, the army was to a great extent gained over, secret agents were actively employed, a military committee was appointed to direct the rising; all their plans were well matured, and the immediate co-operation of seventeen thousand men was promised, without counting the numerous class of sufferers whose discontent and impatience were every where breaking out. The perfidy of one of the conspirators overthrew all. This miscreant, who, by his pretended zeal, had obtained knowledge of their most secret councils, betrayed them to the Executive Directory, which arrested the greater part of the chiefs, when they were met together to fix the day of the move

ment.

We earnestly recommend this book to the attention of our unenfranchised countrymen. It is time they should know that they have worse enemies than even the men of the old feudality, the avowed advocates of tyranny. Great and noble endeavours for universal freedom (the greatest in the world's records) were made during the French Revolution. By the monied classes were these efforts defeated. Their promoters, the defenders of principle against expediency, the republicans, the true friends of the People, were infamously murdered, and have been since gibbetted in lying "histories," to gratify the same class the sordid, the malignant, and the prejudiced, the idolaters of a selfish Fraud, a Curse which is misnamed Wealth. Buonarotti's History might also be read with advantage by some of our "liberal" newspaper-editors, journalists, and reviewers, who are accustomed to rave about the French Revolution, of which, and of the causes of its failure, they know nothing, because they desire not to be informed. We will only add that the translation is very good, and that the work is published at a very cheap rate.

The Life and Times of John Milton. By William Carpenter.-Cleave, London.

A manly and able account of the political life of our great Poet, whose glorious prose writings have been most carefully kept out of sight, by his orthodox admirers. Those prose writings should be in every English home; they should dwell in the hearts of all who honestly desire civil and religious liberty. How dare Englishmen be ignorant of his patriotism, who devoted his mighty life's best years to the cause of the Commonwealth, of republicanism, of political, religious, and social freedom?

"Milton! thou should'st be living at this hour
England hath need of thee:"

Let England dig from the grave of prejudiced apathy the works of Milton: for they are serviceable for her need! The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce is yet a dead letter; we have not yet applied the Likeliest Means to keep Hirelings out of the Church; the Speech for the Liberty of Unlicensed Printing is not altogether inapplicable, even in these days of penny fines on the free expression of thought; there is yet some work for the Imagebreaker. In the popularity of thy holy words, in an universal veneration for