and holds, accordingly, that justice is not a fit thing for every-day use; that meetings by torchlight are unnecessary and very improper, since respectable men have ample leisure to burn villages by mid-day-duly licensed of the law. He desires national education; above all things that Truth should be taught manners, and not be allowed to distress a minister with its unseasonable rudeness: that, in fact, it should be gentlemanly, and not associate with working men; and is satisfied that it should be made by a tailor to be good for anything. He believes that every man has his price; and that he himself is worth his weight in gold: he therefore defends a property-qualification; and is the more satisfied on this point since he discovered that a mud cabin is of more value than three-fourths of all the palaces in Christendom, and that genius and probity never live in lodgings. He has no desire for office, without patronage; and accepts a pension only for the sake of principle. He is a staunch assertor of the people's rights: but insists that they should receive them as favours, humbly and with gratitude; and more especially recommends them to pay him handsomely, and be much obliged too, for his fre quent compromises-on their account-with the public plunderers. He loves his country much, the court more-as a loyal servant should do, and himself most yet he would for his country's sake sell even more than himself-his principles, and think as little as any one of the sacrifice. He would accomplish great deeds, if circumstances would allow him: but, come what will, amid all chances and changes, of one thing he is determined, and the admiring world shall witness his constancy :-he will bear the name of a patriot to his life's end, and the name of patriot shall be engraven upon his tomb. Surely in the grave we may look for truth. LIFE OF ELIOT SIR JOHN ELIOT was the greatest actor in the commencement of the Revolution which overthrew the tyranny of Charles I., though he did not survive to share in the more prominent part of the contest. He has, therefore, been unjustly overlooked or slandered by posterity. He was born at Port Eliot, in Cornwall, on the 20th of April, 1590. In his youth he appears to have been guilty of some excesses, which, however, were more than atoned for by his generosity and the nobility of his after-conduct, both public and private. He was about three years at Oxford University; which he left, to study for the Law. After a year's study, he visited the Continent; and, while abroad, became acquainted with George Villiers, afterwards Duke of Buckingham and royal favourite. On his return home, he married; but lost his wife after she had presented him with two sons. Eliot resumed his intercourse with Villiers, now high-admiral; and, as was usual, on account of his influence in the county, was made vice-admiral of Devonshire; and was knighted. In 1623, he took his seat in Parliament, as member for Newport, in Cornwall. Here he at once distinguished himself, espousing directly and decidedly the popular party. His attention to the public business was unremitting. He took part in all public questions; aided in the best legal reforms; incessantly exerted himself against monopolies; and jealously watched the proceedings of the government. He was again member for Newport, in the parliament which was summoned on the accession of Charles I.; and continued his opposition to the arbitrary conduct of the king; engaging the House of Commons to refuse supplies without redress of grievances. On account of its refractory spirit, the parliament was abruptly dissolved. It was soon necessary to resummon it. Meanwhile, the king, under the advice of Buckingham, had openly dispensed with the laws. Endeavours were made to prevent the election of the popular leaders. Kept out of Newport, Eliot presented himself to his native county, Cornwall; and was instantly elected. With a foreboding of his destiny, he assigned over all his property, in trust for the benefit of his family. He then took his seat, resolved to dare the worst. He immediately attacked the traitor Buckingham. The King interfered, but was defeated by the boldness of Eliot. The Commons deliberated with locked doors; and impeached Buckingham on twelve articles. Eliot was appointed to wind up the proceedings; which he did, in a most masterly speech. Buckingham, who had kept his seat during the previous proceedings, left the House when Eliot arose. Eliot was instantly committed close prisoner to the Tower. Unable to bend him, the king released him, after eight days' durance. On his resuming his seat, the House, by an unanimous vote, approved his conduct and Parliament was again dissolved. The despotism of the king now openly showed itself. Commissioners were empowered to raise a GENERAL FORCED LOAN. The poor, who could not pay, were pressed into the army or navy; and, as a punishment for refusing to pay, some of the most depraved of the troops were quartered upon the houses of the recusants. Eliot was foremost in resisting the Loan; and was imprisoned for his firmness. The king's difficulties compelled him to call another parliament. Eliot was released; was triumphantly returned for Cornwall; and again acted as leader of the House, in a stern and unrelaxing opposition to the tyranny of the court. The enraged king soon prorogued the parliament. During the recess, he again levied taxes without the consent of the Commons; and forcibly seized the goods of several of the patriots. Immediately on the reassembling of the House, he was called to account by the uncompromising Eliot. On the 2d of March, 1629, Eliot entered the House for the last time. After eloquently inveighing against the practices of the court, he produced his famous remonstrance, and desired to have it read. The speaker refused. Eliot read it himself, and demanded, as a right, that it should be put to the vote. Again the speaker refused: he was "commanded otherwise by the king." By main force he was held in his chair. The House was in a tumult. Above all was heard the voice of the steady and undaunted Eliot. "I shall then express by my tongue what that paper should have done." He placed his paper in the hands of Hollis, who put it to the House, in the character of speaker, and was answered by tremendous acclamations. The king sent to break up the House; but the doors were locked: they were now thrown open; and the members rushed forth in a body. Two days after, Eliot was committed to prison. The attorney-general was ordered to accuse him, first in the Star Chamber, and then in the King's Bench. He refused to submit to the jurisdiction of either court: he would not retract, nor ask pardon for, words uttered in parliament. He was threatened; but replied, "that his body would serve to fill up the breach that was made in the public liberties, as well as any other." After long delay, judgment was given, that he should be imprisoned during the king's pleasure, and as "ringleader" in parliament, be fined £2000. He ridiculed the fine, having made over all his property; and cheerfully encountered the confinement. He had placed his two sons under the guardianship of his friend Hampden. He solaced his prison hours by writing his noble work, the Monarchy of Man. The whole county of Cornwall petitioned for his freedom; but no answer was deigned. At length the rigours of his confinement brought on disease. Any relief was denied him by the tyrant, unless he would acknowledge his fault and ask pardon. Eliot sturdily refused. His own integrity and the cause of freedom were dearer to him than life. On the 27th of November, 1632, after nearly four years durance, the patriot died in his prison; and the tyrant appropriately filled up the measure of his heartless persecution, by refusing to young Eliot his father's body. The remaius of the great statesman were buried in the Tower chapel. The court rejoiced at his death; but the martyr's name continued to be a watchword in the struggle he had so grandly begun. "If greater virtue, and beauty, and general perfectness of character have at any time, in any age or country, been illustrated, I have yet to learn when, and by whom."-Abridged from Forster. Proof of Freedom.-Surely they that shall boast, as we do, to be a free nation, and not have in themselves the power to remove or to abolish any governor supreme, or subordinate, with the government itself upon urgent causes, may please their fancy with a ridiculous and painted freedom, fit to cozen babes; but are indeed under tyranny and servitude; as wanting that power, which is the root and source of all liberty, to dispose and economize in the land which God hath given them, as masters of family in their own house and free inheritance, without which natural and essential power of a free nation, though bearing high their heads, they can in due esteem be thought no better than slaves and vassals, born in the tenure and occupation of another inheriting lord; whose government, though not illegal or intolerable, hangs over them as a lordly scourge, not as a free government; and therefore to be abrogated.-Milton's Tenure of Kings. Monopolies. If the power of the People be committed to a single person, the common interest is submitted unto that of a family; and, if it be committed to a few, it is submitted to the interest of a few families.-Harrington. Treason only bears that name when it falls short of success.-Vane. Tyranny.-Every wanton and causeless restraint of the will of the subject, whether practised by a monarch, a nobility, or a popular assembly, is a degree of tyranny.-Blackstone. TO THE PEOPLE. Men of England, Heirs of Glory, Hopes of her, and one another, Rise, like lions after slumber, What is Freedom? Ye can tell "Tis to work, and have such pay For the tyrants' use to dwell: So that ye for them are made, Loom, and plough, and sword, and spade, To their defence and nourishment. "Tis to see your children weak 'Tis to hunger for such diet, "Tis to let the Ghost of Gold Paper coin-that forgery "Tis to be a slave in soul, And at length when ye complain, Let a great assembly be Of the fearless, of the free, On some spot of English ground, Where the plains stretch wide around. Let the blue sky overhead, The green earth on which ye tread, Witness the solemnity. From the corners uttermost Of the bounds of English coast; From the workhouse and the prison, From the haunts of daily life, With common wants and common cares, Ye who suffer woes untold, Or to feel, or to behold THE DESTINY OF MAN IS HAPPINESS. The means are his, and his the power of using those means: what lacketh he to accomplish this destiny? What lacketh he?-The zealous purpose, the incessant desire, the ENTHUSIASM, which alone can render his Will a living and an omnipotent Thing. Social Institutions exist for the preservation of human freedom, for the promotion of human happiness. The basis of Society is Equality: no one would join a society which required the sacrifice of his equality. Society is a compact: every compact demands the free assent of all the contractors. Universal Freedom is the first consequence of Equality. Every individual must respect the equal rights of his fellows, or there cannot be universal Freedom. Every human being receives from Nature the right of exercising all his faculties according to his own pleasure. The Origin of Society was the necessity of mutual assistance: the rights of others are the true boundaries of individual right. The End of Government is to reconcile the opposition of rights by maintaining an identity of interests. Nature has given to all an equal right to the enjoyment of the good of life the proper object of Society is to preserve this equality; to fairly apportion the labour of all, according to their several abilities, for the production of the greatest possible amount of enjoyment. Nature excuses none from labour: he has no right to the blessings of life, who refuses to aid in their production. Property is the right which every human being has to a fair share of the earth's produce. Society is bound to provide Subsistence for all its members, in return for their proportion of labour, or for so much of that proportion as they are capable of furnishing. This is a sacred debt of the community. Every man is indebted to Society for the support of his infancy: but the Aged and the Disabled are the creditors of Society. |