Case of de

SYSTEM OF EUROPE.

the nation, or of the sovereign who has deprived | just and ambitious dispositions, by doing the least him of the throne. He must think of peace, injustice to another, every nation may avail themabandon the ally, and consider him as having selves of the occasion, and join their forces to those himself abandoned his right, through necessity. of the party injured, in order to reduce that ambiThus Louis XIV. was obliged to abandon James tious power, and disable it from so easily oppressthe Second, and to acknowledge King William, ing its neighbours, or keeping them in continual though he had at first treated him as an usurper. awe and fear. For an injury gives a nation a The same question presents itself in real alli- right to provide for its future safety, by taking ances, and, in general, in all alliances made with away from the violator the means of oppression. the state, and not in particular with a king for the It is lawful, and even praise-worthy, to assist those defence of his person. An ally ought, who are oppressed, or unjustly attacked. fence against doubtless, to be defended against subjects. every invasion, against every foreign violence, and even against his rebellious subjects; in the same manner a republick ought to be de- § 47. Europe forms a political system, a body, fended against the enterprises of one who attempts where the whole is connected by the relations and to destroy the publick liberty. But it ought to different interests of nations inhabiting this part of be remembered, that an ally of the state, or the the world. It is not, as anciently, a confused nation, is not its judge. If the nation has de- heap of detached pieces, each of which thought itposed its king in form; if the people of a repub- self very little concerned in the fate of others, and lick have driven out their magistrates and set seldom regarded things which did not immediately themselves at liberty, or acknowledged the au- relate to it. The continual attention of sovereigns thority of an usurper, either expressly or tacitly; to what is on the carpet, the constant residence of to oppose these domestick regulations, by disput- ministers, and the perpetual negociations, make ing their justice or validity, would be to interfere Europe a kind of a republick, the in the government of the nation, and to do it an members of which, though indepen- publiek to injury (see § 54, and following of this book). dent, unite, through the ties of com- preserve order The ally remains the ally of the state, notwith- mon interest for the maintenance of standing the change that has happened in it. How-order and liberty. Hence arose that famous ever, when this change renders the al- scheme of the political equilibrium, or balance of liance useless, dangerous, or dis- power; by which is understood such a disposition agreeable, it may renounce it: for it of things, as no power is able absolutely to premay say, upon a good foundation, that dominate, or to prescribe laws to others." it would not have entered into an alliance with that nation, had it been under the present form of government.

Case where real alliances may be renounced.

nal war.

Europe a re

and liberty.

§ 49. Confederacies would be a sure way of preserving the equilibrium, and supporting the liberty of nations, did all princes thoroughly understand their true interests, and regulate all their steps for the good of the state.

CONTRIBUTIONS IN THE ENEMY'S
COUNTRY.

BOOK III. CHAP. IX. § 165.

We may say here, what we have said on a personal alliance: however just the cause of that king may be, who is driven from the throne, either by his subjects or by a foreign usurper; his allies Not an eter are not obliged to support an eternal war in his favour. After having made ineffectual efforts to restore him, they must at length give peace to their people, and come to an accommodation with the usurper, and for that purpose treat with him as with a lawful sovereign. Louis XIV., exhausted by a bloody and unsucressful war, offered at Gertruydenburgh to abandon his grandson, whom he had placed on the throne of Spain: and, when affairs had changed their ap-making the enemy's country contribute to the suppearance, Charles of Austria, the rival of Philip, Saw himself, in his turn, abandoned by his allies. They grew weary of exhausting their states, in order to give him the possession of a crown, which they believed to be his due, but which, to all appearance, they should never be able to procure for him.

Instead of the pillage of the country, and defenceless places, a custom has been substituted more humane and more advantageous to the sovereign making war: I mean that of contributions. Whoever carries on a just war has a right of

port of the army, and towards defraying all the
charges of the war. Thus he obtains a part of
what is due to him, and the subjects of the enemy,
on submitting to this imposition, are secured from
pillage, and the country is preserved: but a ge-
neral who would not sully his reputa- To be mo-
tion is to moderate his contributions, derate.
and proportion them to those on whom they are
imposed. An excess in this point is not without
the reproach of cruelty and inhumanity if it
shews less ferocity than ravage and destruction, it
glares with avarice.

Compare these with the contributions raised by the French in
the Netherlands - EDIT.

OBSERVATIONS

ON THE

CONDUCT OF THE MINORITY,

PARTICULARLY IN THE

LAST SESSION OF PARLIAMENT ;

ADDRESSED TO

THE DUKE OF PORTLAND AND LORD FITZWILLIAM.

1793.

LETTER TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF PORTLAND.

MY DEAR LORD,

THE paper, which I take the liberty of sending to your Grace, was, for the greater part, written luring the last session. A few days after the proogation some few observations were added. I vas resolved however to let it lie by me for a coniderable time; that in viewing the matter at a roper distance, and when the sharpness of recent mpressions had been worn off, I might be better ble to form a just estimate of the value of my first pinions.

I have just now read it over very coolly and eliberately. My latest judgment owns my first entiments and reasonings, in their full force, with egard both to persons and things.

object with as much eagerness as ever, but with more dexterity. Under the plausible name of peace, by which they delude or are deluded, they would deliver us unarmed, and defenceless, to the confederation of jacobins, whose center is indeed in France, but whose rays proceed in every direction throughout the world. I understand that Mr. Coke, of Norfolk, has been lately very busy in spreading a disaffection to this war (which we carry on for our being) in the county in which his property gives him so great an influence. It is truly alarming to see so large a part of the aristocratick interest engaged in the cause of the new species of democracy, which is openly attacking, or secretly undermining, the system of property by which mankind has hitherto been governed. But we are not to delude ourselves. No man can be connected with a party which professes publickly to admire, or may be justly suspected of secretly abetting, this French Revolution, who must not be drawn into its vortex, and become the instrument of its designs.

During a period of four years, the state of the world, except for some few and short intervals, as filled me with a good deal of serious inuietude. I considered a general war against jaobins and jacobinism, as the only possible chance f saving Europe (and England as included in urope) from a truly frightful revolution. For ais I have been censured, as receiving through eakness, or spreading through fraud and artice, a false alarm. Whatever others may think f the matter, that alarm, in my mind, is by no eans quieted. The state of affairs abroad is not › much mended, as to make me, for one, full of onfidence. At home, I see no abatement whatsover in the zeal of the partisans of jacobinism toards their cause, nor any cessation in their efforts › do mischief. What is doing by Lord Lauder-produced so much mischief in the world, and which ale on the first scene of Lord George Gordon's ctions, and in his spirit, is not calculated to reove my apprehensions. They pursue their first

What I have written is in the manner of apology. I have given it that form, as being the most respectful; but I do not stand in need of any apology for my principles, my sentiments, or my conduct. I wish the paper I lay before your Grace to be considered as my most deliberate, solemn, and even testamentary protest against the proceedings and doctrines which have hitherto

will infallibly produce more, and possibly greater. It is my protest against the delusion, by which some have been taught to look upon this jacobin

contest at home, as an ordinary party squabble | pulsory reflection comes, then be pleased to turn about place or patronage; and to regard this jacobin war abroad as a common war about trade or territorial boundaries, or about a political balance of power among rival or jealous states: above all, it is my protest against that mistake or perversion of sentiment, by which they, who agree with us in our principles, may on collateral considerations be regarded as enemies; and those who, in this perilous crisis of all human affairs, differ from us fundamentally and practically, as our best friends. Thus persons of great importance may be made to turn the whole of their influence to the destruction of their principles.

I now make it my humble request to your Grace, that you will not give any sort of answer to the paper I send, or to this letter, except barely to let me know that you have received them. I even wish that at present you may not read the paper which I transmit; lock it up in the drawer of your library table; and when a day of com

to it. Then remember that your Grace had a tru friend, who had, comparatively with men of your description, a very small interest in opposing the modern system of morality and policy; but who, under every discouragement, was faithful to peblick duty and to private friendship. I shall then probably be dead. I am sure I do not wish to live to see such things. But whilst I do live, I shall pursue the same course; although my ments should be taken for unpardonable faults, and such avenged, not only on myself, but on my posterity.

Adieu, my dear Lord; and do me the justice t believe me ever, with most sincere respect, vene ration, and affectionate attachment,

Your Grace's most faithful friend, and most obedient humble servant, EDMUND BURKE

Beaconsfield, Sept. 29, 1793.

OBSERVATIONS, &c.

APPROACHING towards the close of a long period, of publick service, it is natural I should be desirous to stand well (I hope I do stand tolerably well) with that publick, which, with whatever fortune, I have endeavoured faithfully and zealously to serve.

alienation on his part, a complete publick seper:tion has been made between that gentleman and me. Until lately the breach between us appeara reparable. I trusted that time and reflection, ar a decisive experience of the mischiefs which h flowed from the proceedings and the system 1 I am also not a little anxious for some place in France, on which our difference had arisen, as the estimation of the two persons to whom I ad- as the known sentiments of the best and wisest : dress this paper. I have always acted with them, our common friends upon that subject, and with those whom they represent. To my have brought him to a safer way of thinki knowledge, I have not deviated, no not in the Several of his friends saw no security for ke minutest point, from their opinions and prin- ing things in a proper train after this excurs ciples. Of late, without any alteration in their of his, but in the re-union of the party on its cha sentiments, or in mine, a difference of a very un-grounds, under the Duke of Portland. Mr. Fo usual nature, and which, under the circum- if he pleased, might have been comprehen stances, it is not easy to describe, has arisen be

tween us.

in that system, with the rank and consider. tion to which his great talents entitle him, aˆ indeed must secure to him in any party arra ment that could be made. The Duke of P land knows how much I wished for, and t earnestly I laboured, that re-union, and p terms that might every way be honourable an advantageous to Mr. Fox. His conduct in t last session has extinguished these hopes for eve

In my journey with them through life, I met Mr. Fox in my road; and I travelled with him very cheerfully as long as he appeared to me to pursue the same direction with those in whose company I set out. In the latter stage of our progress, a new scheme of liberty and equality was produced in the world, which either dazzled his imagination, or was suited to some new walks of Mr. Fox has lately published in print a defear ambition, which were then opened to his view. of his conduct. On taking into considerate The whole frame and fashion of his politicks ap- that defence, a society of gentlemen, called pear to have suffered about that time a very ma- Whig Club, thought proper to come to the to terial alteration. It is about three years since, in lowing_resolution-"That their confidence consequence of that extraordinary change, that, Mr. Fox is confirmed, strengthened, and after a pretty long preceding period of distance,"creased, by the calumnies against him." coolness, and want of confidence, if not total To that resolution my two noble friends, t