tuted, in two of the old editions (Nürnberg, 1497, and Ascensius of Paris, 1498), 'puteum,' probably through inadvertence. But the word has been taken up by commentators (Valesius, Graevius, Heinsius, are mentioned by Ruperti) and a new sense given to the passage. Cleanthes is reported to have earned the means of living by drawing water; and he is said to have been called in consequence φρεάντλης. Wherefore these critics have supposed Juvenal to have meant that these men set up images of Cleanthes to guard their wells, puteum servare.' More consideration has been given to this suggestion than it deserves. Archetypos' is usually rendered 'original.' τὸ ἀρχέτυπον, τὸ πρωτότυπον signify the model or pattern from which copies are taken. Archetypum' was the same; but the word is not found as early as Augustus. Prototypia' occurs in the Codex Theodos. (see Forcell.), in the same sense. The adjective archetypus' is found only here and in Martial vii. 11, where he says to his friend, Aulus Pudens, who had asked him for a copy of his poems corrected with his own hand: O quam me nimium probas amasque Quivis archetypas habere nugas ?" See also xii. 69: "Sic tanquam tabulas scyphosque, Paulle, Omnes archetypos habes

amicos."

8. Frontis nulla fides.] Some of the oldest editions and four of the MSS. quoted by Achaintre, have fronti,' which Ruperti adopts. Most of the editions, and all the other MSS. appear to have the genitive. The difference is not important. Fronti nulla fides' would mean there is no trust to be put in the outside;' frontis,' that the outside has nothing trustworthy in it; in the one case 'fides' is 'faith,' in the other that on which faith is exercised. The expression of the brow represents as much as any part of the face the working of the mind, and 'frons' appears with every epithet that expresses character and feeling. But the face may be tutored and expression assumed, and the lewdest villain may wear the most modest brow. μὴ κρίνετε κατ' ὄψιν, ἀλλὰ τὴν δικαίαν κρίσιν κρίνατε, is the divine command.

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9. Tristibus obscoenis ?] 'Tristibus' is here grave,' 'serious.' Horace opposes it to 'jocosus,' S. i. 10. 11: 66 Et sermone opus est modo tristi saepe jocoso." The two adjectives are not commonly joined together. 'Obscoenus' signifies that which is common or unclean. It is said to contain the Greek kods, which is doubtful. It is applied to things, persous, words, &c., of ill omen; but also as here, and as we use it, to the lewd.-' quum sis:'' although you are.' Quintilian (Inst. xii. 3. fin.) throws light upon the subject of this Satire, when (writing in Domitian's time) he speaks of inen " pigritiae arrogantioris, qui subito fronte conficta immissaque barba veluti despexissent oratoria praecepta,paulum aliquid sederunt in scholis philosophorum, ut deinde, in publico tristes, domi dissoluti, captarent auctoritatem contemtu ceterorum. Philosophia enim (he adds) simulari potest, eloquentia non potest."

10. Inter Socraticos] The commentators and translators, old and modern, are divided as to the meaning of 'Socraticos.' The sense is the same as in fictos Scauros' (v. 34, n.); these men carried on their vile practices under the disguise of moralists. The Socratics they would affect to imitate were Antisthenes and the Cynics. They are called Stoics below, v. 65 (see Int.). Others, like the Scholiast, suppose that Juvenal adopted the libel against Socrates, which made him as bad in that respect as they. Of Socrates personally Juvenal speaks with respect (xiii. 185, sq.). dicos' has been suggested as an emendation, derived from one Sotades, who, according to Athenaeus and others, was the first who practised this abomination. But no MSS. support the word; nor have any editors, I believe, adopted it, though it has always been thought necessary to notice it.

Sota

12. atrocem animum:] A bold, manly mind.' 'Atrox'commonly has the meaning of a dogged courage, as in Horace, C. ii. 1. 23:

"Et cuncta terrarum subacta

Praeter atrocem animum Catonis."

14. Rarus sermo illis] Many will be reminded of Gratiano's description in the Merchant of Venice (Act sc. 1):

"There are a sort of men whose visages
Do cream and mantle like a standing pond,
And do a wilful stillness entertain,
With purpose to be dress'd in an opinion
Of wisdom, gravity, profound conceit;
As who would say, I am Sir Oracle,
And when I ope my lips let no dog bark.
O my Antonio, I do know of those
Who therefore only are esteemed wise
For saying nothing,"

which is all an expansion of what Solomon
says:
"Even a fool when he holdeth his
peace is counted wise; and he that shut-
teth his lips a man of understanding "
(Prov. xvii. 28).

15. brevior coma.] Their short-clipped hair was another affectation of wisdom, following, it is said, the fashion of the Stoics. See Pers. iii. 54: "detonsa juventus Invigilat." Britannicus quotes in Latin what he says is a Greek proverb: "nullus comatus qui idem cinoedus non sit." But the Stoics had a bad name in this matter; and yet Lucian (Hermotimus c. 18, quoted by Ruperti, and referred to by Turnebus, Adv. 1. xv. c. 17) speaks of them as ev xp Kovplas Tous Tλelσrovs, most of them with their hair clipped down to the skin. Ruperti has a long note upon supercilium,' which is not worth attending to.

16. Peribomius:] The Scholiast says he was an Archigallus,' or chief among the priests of the Galatian Cybele' (Hor. S. i. 2. 121, n.), but followed an infamous trade. Ruperti supposes the name to be taken from βωμός. περιβώμιος is used in the Septuagint translation for a sacred grove (2 Kings xxiii. 4, and elsewhere). Peribonius' is the reading of M. and many other MSS. This man made no concealment of his trade, but showed it in his gait

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and face, and as he was at any rate more honest, Juvenal lets him alone, and charges him (by which he means his wickedness) on the fates, supposing him to be mad, eoBλaßns, as Heinrich says. "Imputare' is a word used in accounts, for putting to a person's credit, as acceptum referre,' or (as expensum referre') to his debit. To 'impute' a thing to any one is to lay it to his charge. The openness (simplicitas') of such persons, and their blind madness, he says, may excite compassion and get them some indulgence. Heinecke justly reproves Ruperti for substituting 'quem' for 'qui,' as if morbum' was the object of imputo.' 'Morbum' means his vice, 'mentis morbum' as Horace has it (S. ii. 3. 80).

19. qui talia verbis Herculis invadunt] Who attack such vices with big words, stout, terrible language, such as Hercules might use.' There is no allusion to the language of disdain with which Hercules rejected the addresses of Pleasure in Prodicus' story. Ruperti has taken this notion up from Britannicus, who tells the whole story. But Heinrich thinks Hercules is mentioned because the Cynics professed to imitate him in dress and voice.

21. Sexte,] The Scholiast says this was some senator, which is not improbable. The name Varillus' is varied in some MSS. but is so written in most.

22. quo deterior te?] So Davus addresses his master (Hor. S. ii. 7. 40):

"Tu, cum sis quod ego et fortassis nequior, ultro

Insectere velut melior verbisque deeoris Obvolvas vitium? Quid, si me stultior ipso," &c.

23. Loripedem rectus derideat,] 'Loripes' is the saine ας ἱμαντόπους. Pliny (vii. 2) speaks of a tribe among the Indians who were "anguium modo loripedes." See

Forcellini, who explains it of those who in walking twist their legs about like a thong of leather, or whose legs are naturally distorted. He quotes also Plautus (Poen. iii. 1. 7): "Nequicquam hos fuscos mihi elegi loripedes tardissimos." The soft word for such appears to have been 'varus,' or 'scaurus' (Horace, S. i. 3. 47, n.). The Scholast explains 'loripedem' as 'solutum pedibus aut curvis.'

24. Quis tulerit Gracchos] This might stand 'si Gracchi querantur, quis tulerit?' 'If the Gracchi were to complain, who would bear it?' (See Key's Lat. Gr. 1209.) Every one will understand the charge of sedition laid upon the Gracchi (Tiberius and Caius), the friends of the poor, and feared by the aristocracy. It is not surprising that their names passed into proverbs under the empire.

25. Quis caelum terris] See below, vi. 283: "clames licet et mare caelo Confundas homo sum.' He means, who would not cry out invoking heaven and earth at such hypocrisy? as Stasimus cries out in Plautus (Trinum. iv. 3. 63): "Mare, terra, caelum, di vostram fidem, Satin' ego oculis plane video?" The words of Juvenal are borrowed from Virgil (Aen. v. 790): "maria omnia caelo miscuit," who, as Grangaeus remarks, may have got his from Lucretius (iii. 854): "non si terra mari miscebitur et mare caelo."

26. Si fur displiceat Verri,] That is, if the plunderer of a province were offended with a common robber. Furtum' included all theft and robbery, with or without violence; but where a distinction is meant it is opposed to rapina,' which is furtum' attended with force. See note on Hor. S. i. 3. 122, 'Furta latrociniis.' Cicero's seven orations have made Verres immortal. His iniquities are enshrined in the finest specimens of forensic eloquence that have come down to us from antiquity. Milo's murder of Clodius, his adversary and Cicero's (A. U. C. 702), and the blood he and his followers shed in his contests with that person, made his name proverbial. Clodius was, besides, infamous for his intrigue with Caesar's wife, Pompeia, and his violation of the mysteries

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of 'Bona Dea,' in pursuit of his mistress. Catiline and Cethegus, fellow-conspirators, are mentioned together again viii. 231; x. 287. C. Cornelius Cethegus was not inferior to Catiline in bloody violence, and next to Lentulus was his chief supporter.

28. In tabulam Sullae] The 'tabula' means the proscription table or lists of Sulla; and they who are here called his three disciples are Antonius, Caesar Octavianus, and Lepidus, whose proscription (A.U.C. 711) was more bloody than Sulla's, thirty-eight years before. It is said to have included 3000 equites and 300 senators, and among them were Cicero and others of the first distinction. Lucan calls Cn. Pompeius a pupil of Sulla (Phars. i. 325):

"Bella nefanda parat suetus civilibus armis Et docilis Sullam sceleris vicisse magistrum."

As to 'tabulam Sullae' Grangaeus quotes Florus (iii. 21): "proposita est illa ingens tabula, et ex ipso equestri ordinis flore ac senatu duo millia electi qui mori juberentur." Dicere in' is used in the sense of dicere contra.' Cicero has "multa praesens in praesentem et dixerat et fecerat" (Ad Att. xi. 12).

29. Qualis erat nuper] He here alludes to the adulterous intercourse of Domitian with his niece Julia Sabina, a daughter of Titus, who was married to Flavius Sabinus, her father's and Domitian's first cousin. Suetonius (Domit. 22) relates that she was offered Domitian in marriage while yet a virgin, and that he refused her because he was married already to Domitia. But not long after her marriage (to Sabinus), and before he came to the throne, he seduced her; and when he was emperor, murdered her husband on the pretext (mentioned by Suetonius, c. 10) that when they were proclaimed consuls together (A.D. 82), the year after Domitian's accession, the herald proclaimed Sabinus imperator instead of consul. The true reason no doubt was the emperor's lust for Julia; and Juvenal therefore calls his connexion with her 'tragicus con

cubitus.' Julia afterwards died in an attempt forced upon her by Domitian, to procure abortion, which is alluded to in v. 32, sq. Pliny (Epp. iv. 11. 6), speaking of Domitian, says he put to death a Vestal for incest and was as bad himself: 66 Quum ipse fratris filiam incesto non solum polluisset verum etiam occidisset, nam vidua abortu periit." According to Dion Cassius (67. 3) this happened A.D. 83; the same year, probably, as the murder of Sabinus. At the same time Domitian was engaged in the reforming of public morals (Sueton. Vit. c. 8. 'Suscepta morum correctione," &c.), having taken upon himself the censorship for life; he being the first of the emperors who had nominally assumed that office (see S. iv. 12). The lex Julia de Adulteriis' may have been loosely observed, and Suetonius speaks of Domitian having enforced with severity, and on several occasions, the law against unchaste Vestals, "a patre suo quoque et fratre neglecta" (c. 8); see below, iv. 9, n. In that loose age the 'lex Julia de Adulteriis' above mentioned (see Dict. Ant.) would be called 'amara omnibus,' and a terror to the adulterous Mars and Venus. Abortivis' signifies means of abortion. Tunc' means that he was restoring the laws at the very time when he was carrying on his intrigue.

34. vitia ultima] The most vicious of men, 'res pro persona;' as 'servitium' for 'servus,' remigium' for 'remiges,' &c. 'Fictos Scauros' are those villains who profess to be as virtuous as M. Aemilius Scaurus, who is alluded to again (xi. 91) in conjunction with the Fabii, Cato and Fabricius. See Horace, C. i. 12. 37, n., Regulum et Scauros animacque magnae Prodigum Paullum," where the plural is used as here. See note on S. i. 109; and above, on vv. 3. 10. Because Sallust (B. Jug. 18) speaks of Scaurus as 'callide vitia occultans,' Ru

perti supposes Juvenal may mean that these men were like Scaurus in his dissimulation. But whatever Sallust may have thought of Scaurus, he was classed with the noble and honest citizens of Rome by others. Juvenal says that the lowest characters, who made no concealment of their vices, despised these hypocrites, and when they attacked them returned their bite, as Horace says (Epod. vi. 3):

"Quin huc inanes, si potes, vertis minas Et me remorsurum petis?"

36. Lauronia] This is any woman of the town. The name is said, without any probability, to be taken from Lauron, a town of Hispania Tarraconensis (Beck, quoted by Ruperti in his Var. Lect.). Some MSS. have Laronia, which occurs in inscriptions. The woman smiles quietly at these hypocrites crying out pathetically for the 'lex Julia' (see note on v. 29), and says to one of them: Lucky times are these, which present such a barrier to immorality as you. Let the town blush at her lewdness; another Cato has dropped from the skies. But where did you buy your perfumery?' And then she breaks out in a fierce invective against men, and a defence of her own sex. Subridens' expresses bitterness, as in Aen. x. 742: “Ad quem subridens mista Mezentius ira." The taunt about the ointment is sarcastic enough; and the speech, which passes from quiet irony to the utmost scorn, is well managed.

40. Tertius e caelo cecidit Cato.] This seems to be an allusion to Domitian's censorship spoken of above (v. 29. n.). Some commentators do not see why there should be three, that is, why Cato of Utica should be associated with the Censor. But Juvenal has put them together, and the younger was an honest man.