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IS THE CONDUCT ADOPTED BY THE
PRETENDED LEADERS OF THE CA-
THOLICS OF ENGLAND AND IRE-
LAND CALCULATED TO INSURE THE
CIVIL EMANCIPATION OF THE
BODY, OR PROMOTE THE INTE-
RESTS OF RELIGION?

WHE

been engaged during the last seven years, without entangling myself with party, or compromising my principles; and I believe I have rendered some service to the cause I have thus defended. Had these exertions been backed by those who have put themselves forward as the HEN fate is big with the managers of catholic affairs, or had most portentous events they been supported by the wealthy when a crisis is rapidly approaching of our body, as well as by the clergy us, the result of which no man will generally, I am persuaded the cathoventure to predict-when fear agi-lics of this kingdom would not now tates the timid, and uncertainty dis-be that contemptible class of beings turbs even the courageous when their supine behaviour denotes the enemies of religion and social or- them; but, on the contrary, their der, taking advantage of this state sentiments would have been looked of things, are decrying the truths of up to as worthy of adoption, and a the gospel, because some who preach direction would thus have been do not practice its precepts, while given to public opinion in favour of others appointed to rule the people the doctrines of their church. violate the contracts they have en- have always contended, that our tered into with them-when all release from the grinding and deseem confusion and dismay in both grading effects of the penal code the political and religious world would never be obtained without the question which I have selected AN APPEAL TO PUBLIC OPIfor the leading article of this num- NION, and a removal of popular ber cannot surely be deemed either prejudices. I have constantly reimproper or ill-timed. What can commended an active use of the be of greater importance to society, press to disabuse the public of the than the advancement of true reli- many erroneous notions entertained gion? What of greater interest to against our civil and religious printhe catholic body, than the honour- ciples; and I have unceasingly able attainment of their political maintained, that our conduct in this freedom, unaccompanied with reli- essay to undeceive, first, and aftergious restraints? In the advocacy wards direct, the public mind, of these two great objects I have should be open, consistent, firm,

ORTHOD. JOUR. VOL. VIII.

I

clauses of the bill, but had the bold. ness to appeal from their decision to the judgment of the public. This disgraceful proceeding occasioned the appearance of my Journal; for I considered such conduct not only a violation of the principles of the catholic religion, but likewise a violation of the principles of the British constitution, the immunities of which these men were seeking to enjoy; and therefore I resolved that my protest at least should be entered against it. The avowal of my senti

and decisive. Unfortunately for religion and civil freedom, an opposite, spirit has pervaded those who should have set the example of religious and constitutional integrity; they have suffered themselves to become the dupes of intriguing lawyers, who, accustomed to all the tricks of special pleading and finesse, have been pursuing a system of chicanery and deceit, the result of which has hitherto been nothing but disaster and disgrace. Unused to those noble feelings which inspire heroes with courage, patriots with disinterested-ments I hoped would have been met ness, and both with the love of with a spirit becoming the professors country, measures of the most sla- of the true faith, and that, if my vish sycophancy, artifices of the opinions were wrong, the same pubmost dishonourable nature, and lic method would be taken to disapplans of the most puerile invention, prove them which I had adopted to have been resorted to during the last give them circulation. Had any quarter of a century, without one one who differed from me been insingle advantage having been declined to avail himself of the pages rived, through these means, in fa- of the Journal, they would have vour of our rights, civil or religious. been perfectly free for him, as my primary object was to afford an opportunity to discuss, with freedom, the differences which existed amongst us, in order that we might thereby come to a correct conclusion on the necessary measures to be pursued for a successful issue of the contest for our rights. But such were not the feelings of those who had already taken an active part in our concerns, nor have I yet been able to rouse the aristocracy of our

On my first arrival in this metropolis, in the year 1813, when the memorable bill for the relief of catholics, the offspring of Messrs. Grattan, Canning, and Co. was under discussion, I found the leaders of the self-named board were all under the most sanguine expectations that the bill would be carried, and all their hopes and joys on the point of being consummated. At an interview with the secretary, I took occasion to tell him I had no such anti-body into action, and release themcipation, and that my opinion was, the time was still distant when catholics would be admitted to the enjoyment of their civil rights. A few days soon determined the accuracy of my opinion, and the fallacy of his own, In the rage of disappointment, the wise men of Gotham assembled in their club room, and there attempted (for it was only an attempt, and a truly pitiful one too) to disgrace a dignified prelate, because he had not only dared to differ from them on the ecclesiastical

selves from the yoke which a few individuals have ensnared them in, through their culpable supineness and apathy, in not coming forward to conduct their own cause, From the first appearance of this work, I have had to sustain an unjust and malignant persecution from my adversaries, who cowardly skulk behind the entrenchments of power and influence, but dare not face me on the plains of public opinion. As if conscious of the unjustifiableness of their plans, and the disgrace

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the disgrace of adhering to or sanetioning any future plans originating from so incompetent and imbecile a quarter. The period is fast approaching when it will be seen to demonstration whether my appeals are founded in truth or error.

which, of course, must attend their exposure, they have combined to suppress secretly every symptom of public spirit on the part of catholics, by threat and intimidation, and have hitherto succeeded too well in these invidious efforts to stem the current of opinion, to the great injury of the From the nature of my avocations cause in general, as I shall subse- I have had many more opportunities quently shew. Instead of combat- of studying and knowing the force ting openly and vigourously the at- of those prejudices against which tacks of the bigoted and venal press the catholics of this kingdom have of this country, as become the disci- had to contend, and which are fav ples of truth; instead of the catholic from being removed, than most of aristocracy placing themselves in my fellow sufferers. My conviction that prominent attitude, which a is, that, as these prejudices became long line of ancestry and their stake rooted from our being debarred in the country impose upon them; the use of the press, and the priviinstead of standing erect on the pil-lege of appealing to public opinion, lar of truth, and repelling the inso-so, without having recourse to this lence and arrogance of protestant important right, which we are now ascendency with that dignity and in possession of, an eradication of consistency becoming the descend- them will never be accomplished. ants of the founders of British rights I have therefore steadily and stoutly and the obtainers of Magna charta, set the example of meeting fairly they have meanly truckled to the and openly the charges laid against minions of power; they have the civil and religious maxims of crouched to court favourites and catholics, and have flung the imputhe heads of party; they have si- tation of ignorance and credulity lently submitted to be calumniated in the teeth of our accusers and vilified; they have basely licked self appointed directors, however, the hand that smote them; and even whose knowledge is evidently limitthe precepts of our divine Saviour, to ed to the parade of dinner parties, preach the truths of his gospel, have and the confined circle in which been suspended, by the exclusion they move, ground the success of of controversial sermons from the emancipation on securing in their pulpits of the metropolis, lest of- favour the suffrages of certain leadfence should be given to the feelings ing members of each party in both of the bitterest enemies of the catho- houses of parliament, leaving the lic faith, and an opposition thereby people out of the question. Under created to the granting of our civil this ridiculous impression, they, at claims. -Such has been the rule this moment, anticipate the compleof action chosen by those who have tion of their wishes in the ensuing arrogated to themselves the manage- session of the new parliament, and ment of the affairs of the English it is to this impression we must catholic body, which has been tacit- attribute the folly of their conduct, ly approved by the principal mem- and the evils which religion has bers of it, notwithstanding the re- suffered from it. But I will here peated calls I have made upon them tell them again, that without an to come forward and adopt a differ- appeal to public opinion they will ent line of conduct; proving at the never succeed in their hopes. They same time the danger, the folly, and may fawn, they may flatter, they

The

against catholics.

He was led to believe, that catholics were armed with fire and fagots against all who professed a different persuasion. He thought, that because there had existed a religious war about 250 years ago, every catholic ought to to be extirpated with fire and sword. With those impressions he had gone abroad. On the continent he had

imagination. On the contrary, he met catholic officers who were very good fellows. He had seen them shedding their blood for the maintenance of the honour of England, and in support of its constitution. (cheers.) He found, too, that our fleets were manned with catholics, who had contributed, under a Howe and a Nelson, to give to this country the undivided empire of the ocean. (Loud cheers.) He saw in Germany, at the period of a religious war-he saw in Russia also, that officers, catholic and protestant, liv. ed as brothers, and that the only rival

may sacrifice their honour; they may renounce their dignity; they may muzzle the clergy and cajole their flocks; they may protest, swear, supplicate, bribe, and intrigue, but all will prove abortive. BY PUBLIC OPINION THEIR CASE MUST BE DECIDED, and the sooner they make their appeal to it, the better it will be for them. That it is not by currying the good will of cabinet minis-expected to see the catholic of his ters, nor by seeking the support of members of the senate, but by securing the voice of the people on our side, the triumph will be gained, is clearly developed by the following circumstance, which arose out of the Hate general election. An attempt having been made, by the cry of "No-popery," to excite popular clamour against the old members for the borough of Southwark, at the commencement of the election, in consequence of their having supported the petition of the catholics, for an inquiry into their grievances, Sir Robert Wilson addressed the multitude, assembled before the hus-ship between them was, who should tings to this effect. The charge, he said of having been pledged to support this (the catholic) question was deliberately made against himself and his colleague....The question was a delicate one, and ought never to be introduced, unless where circumstances would prevent that irritation and angry feeling, to which the discussion of religious subjects always give rise. A public hustings was not the place where such a subject could be properly discussed. As it had however been brought forward, he felt it due to himself, to the electors, and to the community at large, to state what was the course pursued by him respecting that question. He was the more anxious to do this, as it would put an end to all cavils and disputes on the subject in future. Sir Robert then proceeded to state, that he had been brought up with prejudices

stand foremost in defence of his country. In America, too, that seat of freedom, it was known that there was no religious distinction in the state. Why, then, should such exist in England? There was no one who would pay so bad a compliment to his religion, as to suppose that its members were in such danger of being made proselytes by catholics. The gallant general then went on to point out what had been the state of the protestants in France previous to the revolution. That event, he observed, restored them to their political rights. He had gone to Ireland. He there found a brave, a free-hearted, a high-spirited nation, but sunk and depressed under their corrupt parliament. He never saw misery and distress and oppression so completely enthroned as it was in that country. Was he then to turn his back to the

In

petitions of these people praying for | 1sts placarded the borough with inquiry into their situation? denunciations against the supporters the house of lords, he had heard the of catholic emancipation, the gallant great champion of the protestant general and his colleague headed religion, lord Liverpool, say, that their opponent so rapidly on the poll, there was no fear to be entertained that after a contest of a few days, from catholic tenets, but they re- they were left masters of the field, fused to comply with certain state On returning thanks to the electors forms, and therefore it was that they for the selection they had made, Mr. were not emancipated. But how Calvert took occasion to observe, had the charge of supporting this that "on one subject, the insinuaquestion been made out? The fact tions of the worthy baronet (Sir T. was, that the only question before Turton, the defeated candidate) obparliament was, for a committee to liged him to be a little explicit, inquire into the state of the law though he considered the discussion respecting oaths to be taken by per- of it improper on such an occasion sons holding civil offices, and to see as the present--he meant Catholic if any and what alterations could Emancipation. (Aye, explain, said be made in them with safety to the the crowd.) His explanation would state, &c. Now what was this, be very short. He never supportbat asking for inquiry? No peti- ad any catholic bill: like his coltion did less. If the electors were league, he only voted rOR INQUIRY, to blame a man for supporting a|(Bravo, bravo.) The electors he motion of this kind, how could they find fault with the house of commons for rejecting the numerous petitions which were from time to time presented to them? All that was asked, was a rule to shew cause. And where was it found that a judge, by granting such a rule, decided on the merits of the question? All that a judge pledged himself to, by granting such a rule, was to do justice between both parties after they had been severally heard. This, and this only, was he pledged to, by giving his vote on the occasion alluded to. If the motion had been granted, and if the house had gone into a committee, then it would have been the duty of the electors to have met, to have taken the opinions of their representatives, and to have given them their instructions. If such instructions had been given, he pledged himself he would have obeyed them, or else at once have given up his seat. (Cheers.)

This explanation satisfied the electors of Southwark, and, notwithstanding the ministerial corruption

was sure would never quarrel with him for voting in this way: he made it a rule ever to support petitions, not only from Southwark, but wherever they came from, that prayed for inquiry into grievances. (Applause.) At the same time it was material to press upon them, the propriety of meeting in a town hall, and giving their representatives instructions how to act, when a question so important as that of catholic emancipation was expected to come under discussion. Sir Robert Wilson said, on the subject of catholic emancipation, he was precisely of the same opinion with his honourable colleague. Like him he would recommend to the electors to call a town hall, and give their repre sentatives instructions how to act, when any such important subject was expected to come on."

This is information of the weightiest import to the catholic aristocracy, as well as to the body in general, and is surely sufficient of itself to convince them, that they can never gain the privileges they

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