dis

I take it excessively kind in you to enter so deeply into my tresses. Really my mind has suffered so very much, that my health was much affected, and I was afraid, I should not have had power to have painted any more from her; but since she has resumed her for. mer kindness, my health and spirits are quite recovered.

She performed in my house last week, singing and acting before some of the nobility with most astonishing powers: she is the talk of the whole town, and really surpasses every thing both in singing and acting, that ever appeared. Gallini offered her two thousand pounds a year, and two benefits, if she would engage with him, on which Sir William said pleasantly, that he had engaged her for life.

Believe me yours most affectionately,

G. R.'

Romney's unhappy propensity to suspect unkindness, neglect, and coldness in his friends poisoned all the enjoyments of his life. Even when a young student, he entertained the horrible spectre of plots against his safety, and imputed them not only to the permitted assassins of Italy, but to his countrymen, his contemporaries, his fellow-students, and his friends. His letters to Mr. Hayley, whom he visited annually for many years, seldom conclude without an apology for offences supposed to have been given to his best friend by the violence and heat of his temper. His whole conver sation must have been divided between offering affronts and atoning for them, and his mind perpetually uneasy in the consciousness of rude asperity in himself, or the imagination of uneharitable misconception in others. The fanciful but elegant remark of Mr. Flaxman, on the genius of his brotherartist, might with equal truth be applied to his temper; it "bore a strong resemblance to the scenes he was born in: like them it partock of the grand and beautiful; and like them also, the bright sunshine and enchanting prospects of his fancy were occasionally overspread with mist and gloom." Indeed, the parallel might be extended farther, to the awful burst of the wintry tempest, and the fierce explosion of conflicting elements., We have already intimated that the excessive" sensibility of Romney terminated in mental derangement; and this pitiable catastrophe, while it consoles mediocrity for the absence of that delicate organization which is designated by the name of genius, should warn the highly-gifted mortal against that indiscriminate indulgence even of the purest feelings, which degenerates at last into wayward selfishness, and may become equally fatal to the happiness and the virtue of the possessor.

Those parts of the present memoir which relate to the kindness exhibited by Romney to the son of Mr. Hayley, a most promising and ingenious youth, who was placed under

the tuition of our great sculptor Flaxman, are very interesting. He died at an early period, but not' till he had given unquestionable proofs of genius combined with an ardent love of his art, which could not have failed to lead him to great excellence in it. The feelings of a father are not ostentatiously displayed, but they sometimes burst forth with unaffected pathos. We wish to pass lightly over the subject: but our readers would not easily forgive the omission of the following passage:

The health of Romney revived a little, as the year 1797 advanced; he began to amuse his fancy with the prospect of his own intended building, and also with that of his friend (Mr. Hayley's villa) in Sussex, to whose habitation he had promised to escort both the architect and the young sculptor. The trio of artists ar rived at Eartham on the 13th of April, and after a day of repose, proceeded to the sea-coast, where they all took a lively interest in laying the foundations of a very small marine villa, in the Hamlet of Felpham. Its proprietor vainly hoped that it might conduce for many years, to the health and social enjoyments of the party, whose kind hearts gave utterance to the most fervent good wishes on its commencement. How merciful to man is that dispensation of Heaven, which allows him not to see far into futurity.

"Our architectural ceremony was a cheerful scene of social delight, from the hope that all who shared in it, and particularly the two youngest might recollect and revisit the spot with pleasure, through a length of time to come; but what anguish of heart must have seized the joyous group engaged in founding this favorite little stracture, had any prescience informed them that all the three artists, taking so kind an interest in the fabrick, would be sunk in the grave within the brief period of six years from its foundation! I am now sitting alone in the dwelling, which their kindness has endeared, and which their ingenuity has adorned; and I feel a tender gratification in employing the uncertain remnant of my days on such literary works, as may faithfully commemorate the talents and the virtues of those who still speak to me in their works, and here daily remind me both of their genius and their affection.'

Some engravings after several pictures of the great artist here described are properly introduced into this record of his life and genius. They are twelve in number, and must not be omitted in our notice; though, in order to convey a correct idea of them to our readers, some first-rate painter should pronounce critically on their merits, and the most skilful engraver must be employed to make the necessary extracts. Among them, we have three likenesses of Romney, taken at different ages by himself, and another copied from a medallion moulded by the young sculptor already mentioned; together with three portraits of Lady Hamilton, in the characters of Sensibility, Miranda, and Cassandra, charmingly engraved by Caroline

Watson.

Watson. We much regret that Mr. Hayley has not followed the example set by the biographer of Sir Joshua Reynolds, in presenting at one view a catalogue of all Romney's pictures, with a short history of them, and a direction to the several places where they may be viewed at present.

ART. II. Parliamentary Logick: to which are subjoined two Speeches delivered in the House of Commons of Ireland, and other Pieces, by the Right Honourable William Gerard Hamilton. With an Appendix, containing Considerations on the Corn Laws, by Samuel Johnson, LL.D. never before printed. Crown 8vo. pp. 253. 88. Boards. Payne. 18c8.

IT

T is a well-known observation of Lord Chesterfield, that the art of oratory may be learned like that of shoe-making. The leading article in the present volume, which is founded on this observation, contains a vast variety of practical lessons, calculated to form not only a very expert artisan in weaving the fabric of a parliamentary speech, but also a most judicious supervisor of the complicated machinery of Debates in the House of Commons. In both capacities, the right honourable author appears to have pursued his studies and served his time with uncommon ardour and perseverance; and though he never acquired much practice as a speaker, it could not be doubted, even if this posthumous work had been his sole production, that he was through life a most sagacious and clear-sighted observer of all the powers and weights that compose the intricate but not unmanageable system, to which we have ventured to allude. At the early age of twenty-six, Mr. Hamilton's strong desire of political distinction had induced him to form manuscript-collections on all the possible subjects of parliamentary investigation, sufficiently large to Occupy many volumes; and on the decease of his father, who had designed him for the legal profession, but died leaving such a fortune as enabled his son to act according to his own wishes, he was returned, at the general election in May 1754, one of the members for Petersfield in Hampshire. Before we offer such a sketch of his political history as the preface to this work enables us to give, we shall take the liberty of adverting to the principles and view with which he appears to have assumed the high-sounding title of a representative of the people.

He considered politicks as a kind of game, of which the stake or prize was the Administration of the country. Hence he thought, that those who conceived that one Party were possessed of greater abilities than their opponents, and were therefore fitter to fill the first

offices

offices in the State, might with great propriety adopt such measures (consistent with the Constitution) as should tend to bring their friends into the administration of affairs, or to support them when invested with such power without weighing in golden scales the particular parliamentary questions which should be brought forward for this purpose: as, on the other hand, they who had formed a higher estimate of the opposite Party, might with equal propriety adopt a similar conduct, and shape various questions for the purpose of shewing the imbecility of those in power, and substituting an abler ministry, or one whom they consider abler, in their room; looking on such occasions rather to the object of each motion, than to the question itself. And in support of these positions, which, however short they may be of theoretical perfection do not perhaps very widely deviate from the actual state of things, he used to observe, that if any one would carefully examine all the questions which have been agitated in Parliament from the time of the Revolution, he would be surprised to find how few could be pointed out, in which an honest man might not conscientiously have voted on either side; however by the force of rhetorical aggravation, and the fervour of the times, they may have been represented to be of such importance, that the very existence of the State depended on the result of the delibera,

tion.'

According to such notions, the only serious object to be attained by a member, who delivers an oration in the House of Commons, is victory on the question immediately before him; without the least reference to the right or the wrong, the justice or the injustice, of the particular case. We do not mean here to discuss, with a waste of words, the propriety of such a doctrine; nor to question the extraordinary position, that on almost all occasions honest and enlightened men might fairly vote on either side; nor the still more extraordinary omission to require at least their own conviction as a necessary proof of the conscientiousness of their votes. It is perhaps true that "these positions do not very widely deviate from the actual state of things;" and we shall briefly enumerate some of the methods that must be employed by those who are ambitious of attaining eminence in this profession.

At p. 3. we find the rising orator instructed to introduce something flattering to the HOUSE' but, lest the unadvised compliment should assume the air of a sneer or a sarcasm, he is prudently warned to settle the method first.' In the next page, he is directed to consider whether the point in debate. cannot be put upon a popular ground every question (it is added) has some parts better than others; separate those in your mind, and suppress one, and colour the other, as it suits? The same page likewise declares it to be proper to run a vice into a virtue, and VICE VERSA.-Consider thoroughly your

strong

1

strong points, one by one; and always take into consideration the prevailing prejudices.' P. 1ì. When you cannot resist, then wit, fancy, subtlety, and craft, are of service.'-P. 29. The best verbal fallacies are those which consist not in the ambiguity of a single word, but in the ambiguous syntaxis of many put together. Ibid. State, as may answer the purpose, your argument so narrow as to cripple reason, or so wide as to confound it.'-P. 31. You may perplex reason by subtlety, or over-rule it by imagination.' Ibid. By speaking of events in the order they did not happen you may change not only the appearance, but the nature of them.' P. 35. If the principal thing in question is strongly against you, consider what is the thing of the greatest importance, and the most likely to please, that makes for you. Dwell upon that, and touch the first slightly. To pass over entirely what is most material, would be too gross. P. 37. When some one person in a debate asserts something so extravagant, that it is ridiculous and untenable, you may easily manage to treat this as the argument of all who have spoken.' Ibid. Let Government always state its argument upon some clear principle; their followers must have something to say, and it is no great matter what.'-P.65. If you cannot perplex the argument at the outset, contrive to change the question, by introducing something that is similar to it, in the progress.' P. 45. Consider not only whether the argument is for or against your side of the question, but whether the House of Commons topics are for or against you.' Though numerous passages still claim our notice, we will transcribe only one more, which relates rather to the style than the substance of the argument. Pre-consider what you mean should be the finest part of your speech, and in speaking connect it with what has incidentally fallen in debate, and when you come to that premeditated and finest part, hesitate and appear to boggle; catch at some expression that shall fall short of your idea, and then seem at last to hit upon the true thing. This has always an extraordinary effect, and gives the air of extempore genius to what you say.' P. 43.

We have marked the pages from which these several extracts are made, in order that our country-readers may by reference immediately satisfy themselves that such instructions have been really given to the aspirants after parliamentary influence, by an accomplished veteran! In truth, when we read over the foregoing sentences to a friend who occasionally visits London, he mistook them for sketches of an ironical treatise on the art of making speeches in parliament, according to the approved practice of modern times, and objected only that the bax was of too gross a nature! He became convinced, how