The circumstances suggesting the Roman Empire, then apparently approaching its fall, as the scene of the earlier figurations, have been already noticed, so that we have now only to see if that Empire can be fitly associated with either of the symbolic representations of this-the first seal. This history enables us to do conclusively. Just as in a symbolic picture a rose would be recognised as representing England, a thistle, Scotland, a shamrock, Ireland, or a woman seated with her trident and shield, Britannia-just as in Bible history a goat represented the Macedonian, and a ram the Persian kingdoms-so at the time under review the horse was a well-known, recognised, and generally adopted symbol by which to represent the Roman Empire; as such the horse appears, both with and without riders, on Roman coins and medals now in existence and to be seen at the British Museum. Monuments and triumphal arches, too, still exist, confirmatory of the connection of the horse with the Roman people. Heathen historians tell us that a horse with a crowned rider was a frequent and well understood device to denote the Roman Emperors and people. The horse, too, was one of the Roman war standards, and being held sacred to Mars, the God of war, whom the Roman people claimed for their father, was as such exhibited in their games and sacrifices. To which, further interesting testimony, historic, sculptured and metallic, might be added, but the fitness of the horse in the Apocalyptic figure to denote the Roman people, as of the rider, to whom the crown was given, to denote the Emperors overruling them, is I think already sufficiently apparent to justify our at once adopting the assumption that the Roman Emperors and people were thereby represented.

The horse, however, in the figure being white, observe, clearly denoted a period of happiness and prosperity to the Empire and also of peace, excepting when interrupted by the foreign wars (internal wars being barred by the horse's color), indicated by the rider going forth conquering and to conquer; and it is equally clearly denoted by the horse maintaining its whiteness during their progress, that those wars would result in contributing to the consistency and power of the symbol by adding victory and triumph to the

enjoyment by the Empire of internal happiness and prosperity.

This prefigured happy and prosperous state, however, but ill accords with our previous reference to indications existing, at the time of John's being in Patmos, of the speedy fall of the Empire. The effects of the vices and tyrannies of Domitian and former Emperors, together with the increasing boldness of the frontier barbarians, pointed strongly to that result.

In a

Besides, too, the bow was not a Roman emblem. symbolic picture, a javelin or sword was apparently the only weapon that could be consistently placed in the hand of a Roman Emperor going forth to war; so that though the horse and rider can be readily associated with the Roman Empire and people—not so readily the horse's whiteness and the badge of distinction in the hand of the rider. On reference to Gibbon, however, the first is well illustrated, and to Mr. Elliott is due the solution of the difficulty attending the bow.

Attention must be again here drawn to the value of Gibbon's testimony arising from his alleged scepticism, for so strangely does he prove to be the unconscious interpreter of a great part of the Apocalypse that, without such a bar, the opinion might justly be held that his historical notices were partial, his subjects arranged and his language framed expressly to expound the sacred book; and in another sense they doubtless were so, not by Gibbon, however, but by Him who maketh His enemies unconscious instruments to do His will. A considerable accession of internal evidence of truth, necessarily attaches to an interpretation of prophecy, based on such impartial testimony; and as in this case that testimony is too minute and striking to be accidental, it can only be referred to the care and overruling of the Divine mind that the fulfilment of the prophecy should not be without reliable record in the world; which care is further manifest in the provision by which, amidst the wreck and destruction of ancient literature during the dark ages, sufficient has been preserved to substantiate the sceptic's testimony and to afford other needed testimony where his is wanting. On

referring to Gibbon, then, for the solution of the white appearance of the horse, we find at once more than one coincidence strikingly supporting the remarks just made.

Thus his history commences A.D. 98, the very commencing period of the Apocalyptic figures. His first review is of a period from 98 to 180; and he thus commences his work :"In the second century of the Christian era the Empire of Rome comprehended the fairest part of the earth and the most civilised portions of mankind. During a happy period of more than fourscore years the public administration was conducted by the virtues and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines. It is the design of this and of the two succeeding chapters to describe the prosperous condition of their empire, and afterwards from the death of Marcus Antoninus to deduce the most important circumstances of its decline and fall, a revolution which will ever be remembered, and is still felt by the nations of the earth."

Had Gibbon been about to expound the Apocalypse, he could scarcely have introduced his subject more appropriately or effectively, for his notice first of a prosperous period, followed by the gradual decline and ultimate fall of the Empire, is not only identical with that indicated by the symbols of the first seal, as we have seen, but also with those of the seals yet unopened, and which have yet to be considered.

In the three chapters referred to, he styles the period of the reigns of the five Emperors, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines, "a golden age ;" an expressive term, almost universally adopted also by other historians, to distinguish its remarkable character, in contrast with the iron age which preceded and followed it. He says, "The golden age of Trajan and the Antonines had been preceded by an age of iron. During fourscore years (excepting only the short and doubtful respite of Vespasian's reign) Rome groaned beneath an unremitting tyranny, which exterminated the ancient families of the republic, and was fatal to almost every virtue and every talent that arose in that unhappy period." He also tells us that Augustus, the founder of imperial authority, by a testament publicly read to the

Senate, bequeathed as a valuable legacy the advice "to confine the limits of the empire to those which nature seemed to have placed as its permanent bulwarks and boundaries, viz., on the west, the Atlantic Ocean; the Rhine and the Danube on the north; the Euphrates on the east; and towards the south the sandy deserts of Arabia and Africa"; and that this peaceful and unaggressive policy had ever been pursued by all his successors up to Trajan, with the one exception of the subjugation of Britain. He then says, "Nerva had scarcely accepted the purple from the assassins of Domitian, before he discovered that his full age was unable to stem the torrent of public disorders, which had multiplied under the long tyranny of his predecessor. He consequently adopted Trajan, and immediately by a decree of the Senate declared him to be his colleague and successor." That the unaggressive system of his predecessors was interrupted by Trajan, and that scenes of war and conquest then transpired. "The first exploits of Trajan," he goes on to say, "were against the Dacians, who, during the reign of Domitian, had insulted with impunity the majesty of Rome. The war lasted about five years, terminating in the absolute submission of the barbarians and a province, 1,300 miles in circumference, added to the Roman Empire. The success of Trajan was rapid and specious. The Parthians fled before his arms. He descended the Tigris in triumph from the mountains of Armenia to the Persian Gulf. His fleet ravaged the coast of Arabia. Every day the astonished Senate received the intelligence of new names and new natious that acknowledged his sway. The rich countries of Armenia, Mesopotamia and Assyria were reduced into the state of Provinces. His career of conquest was only stopped by death. Hadrian, his successor, withdrew again within the confines of the Euphrates, and, together with the two Antonines succeeding him, adopted uniformly the system of Augustus. They persisted in the design of maintaining the dignity of the empire without attempting to enlarge its limits. During a period of forty-three years their virtuous labours were crowned with success, and if we except a few slight hostilities on the frontiers, and those by which a

rebellion of the Jews confined to a single province was put down with fearful slaughter of that unhappy people, the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius offer the fair prospect of universal peace." Of Marcus Antoninus, their successor, he says, "The hostilities of the barbarians provoked the resentment of that philosophic monarch, and in the prosecution of a just defence Marcus and his generals obtained many signal victories, both on the Euphrates and on the Danube." He then sums up his review of the whole period, 98 to 180, by saying:

"If a man were called to fix the period in the history of the world, during which the condition of the human race was most happy and prosperous, he would without hesitation name that which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus. The vast extent of the Roman Empire was governed by absolute power under the guidance of virtue and wisdom. The forms of the civil administration were carefully preserved by Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian and the two Antonines, who delighted in the image of liberty, and were pleased with considering themselves as the accountable. ministers of the laws. The labours of these monarchs were overpaid by the immense rewards that inseparably waited on their success, by the honest pride of virtue and by the exquisite delight of beholding the general happiness of which they were the authors." Precisely as in the vision that the Emperors would be the agents of the happy state denoted.

Thus we have recorded in history a perfect fulfilment of nearly all the conditions of the seal :

The horse fully illustrated by the Roman people. The colour of the horse by the period of happiness and prosperity, (following on one of discord and misery), commencing on the accession of Nerva to the Imperial throne and continuing to the accession of Commodus, a period so marked in its character as to be almost universally styled by historians "a golden age."

The going forth conquering and to conquer we have illustrated by the unparalleled and rapid victories and conquests of Trajan contributing triumph and glory to the happiness existing at the commencement of the notified period,