improvements, should adopt the course so unwisely proposed by Mr Davidson of Tulloch, and other Highland proprietors. When a road, in an almost impervious district, is suggested by a publicspirited person (which we believe Dundonnell to be), the wants and interests of the poorer part of the population are wholly blinked-the necessities of a large, desolate neighbourhood are overlooked—and a proprietor hurries off (with or without a fee) to an Edinburgh advocate to get an opinion, by which he might contrive to overset a resolution favourable to what is called the Dundonnell or Little Lochbroom road! What we understand Dundonnell to supplicate for, is a district-authorization to make an eminently-required road; and having obtained permission at a general meeting, another general meeting is specially summoned to quash the former proceedings, on no other ground that we can possibly perceive, but that Mr Davidson of Tulloch is "disinclined to allow a line of road to pass to his great detriment," the nature of the said detriment being entirely unexplained. Dundonnell's plea is a manly and generous one, and should be placed in juxtaposition with Tulloch's case of unexpounded" detriment." "He (Dundonnell) was ready to make the road; he had the money in his pocket; he had offered to pay the surface damage of the land required from Mr Davidson; he wanted to open the district; all he asked was the power to do so; and he did not ask a penny to be refunded till the district was in a position to do so." Now, we are as impartial on this subjeet, as if we were writing about a projected road in California; and truth constrains us to say, that the vote which frustrated Dundonnell's good intentions, seems to us to be the product of selfishness and silliness. We are sorry to see the name of our good-natured acquaintance Applecross, and of our quondam friend Lochalsh, among the non-contents. Just as we were coaxing them to establish markets, they aid in rescinding resolutions for roads-thus vexatiously baffling us on the very eve of publication! But we must honestly confess that we have a very poor opinion of proxies in such matters. Let gentlemen attend meetings and hear what can be fairly alleged on both sides of a subject, and then vote according to their conscientious convictions; but to overthrow the decisions of one meeting, by means of proxies transmitted to interested parties at another meeting, is, to say the least, a very questionable proceeding. As there seems to be a very slender amount of public opinion in the Highlands,

we are afraid that there is also a scanty supply of public spirit. What sort of patriotic feeling can throb in the bosom of a laird who thinks more of the petty "detriment" to his private interests, than of the accomodation which might be afforded to tens of thousands? We know nothing of Mr Davidson except as he exhibits himself at this Dingwall meeting; and we must own that he does not make out a sufficiently strong domestic case, to justify his obstruction of an undoubted public benefit.

ROSS-SHIRE ROAD-MAKING.-TULLOCH, DUNDONELL, AND THE HIGHLAND DESTITUTION RELIEF BOARD.

We make no apology for asking our readers to accompany us into a very untravelled Highland district, with the view of conducing to its more improved inter-communication by making known its peculiar wants. We attach immense importance to judicious road-making, which is the pioneering part of civilization; and without which the true capabilities of many a profitable region might remain disregarded for ages and generations. First, roads; next, markets; and then a social start in any opened district, will soon exhibit the promise of prosperity. It is, however, an undoubted fact, that the best public roads are those which owe their origin to public power, totally dissociated from mere local interests. The great element of excellence in a wisely planned road is its directness; not only to save the time of travellers, but to save the continual cost of proper maintenance. Every perch unnecesssarily added to a road, entails a permanent expense on parties who must pay a compulsory contribution towards keeping highways in needful order; and, therefore, having decided on the termini of any projected road, the next consideration is to make it the shortest line between the given points, to the stern exclusion of all interested suggestions which would lead to covenient curvatures, and pleasant deviations. Our belief is strong that General Wade and his military co-adjutors were more unexceptionable road-makers than all the Lairds that have ever laid their heads together to devise paths of unrighteousness in the Highlands. The reason lies pretty much on the surface. The roads schemed and constructed by directions of the Government, had great public objects connected with them; whereas roads canvassed and intrigued for by

local possessors of property, insensibly take an oblique character, and are frequently found traversing territories where private interests condescend to be helped by public bounty.

These remarks are drawn from us by considering closely and impartially the subject-matter of Mr Davidson of Tulloch's letter, which appeared in our last publication. Whilst we are most happy to afford him all due facilities for explanation, we feel ourselves bound to declare, that the controversy which he so cleverly handles, is entirely traceable to the non-observance of the just distinction which should always be taken between public and private roads. Great oppression may be perpetrated on all parties liable to highway assessment, if roads designed for private convenience, and partly constructed at private cost, are subsequently affiliated, if we may so phrase it, by public procedure, and incorporated with district roads. A case of this description constitutes the present casus belli between Tulloch and Dundonell; and as we are lovers of peace, we propose making way for accommodation by proving both combatants to be in error. To achieve our purpose, it is essential that the question should be fairly and impartially stated, so as to render it thoroughly intelligible to our readers; and we must premise a few topographical details which it is requisite to place before the mind's eye; or, if before the physical eye, inspecting Johnstone's largest and latest map of Ross-shire-better still.

Between the narrow inlet of Lochbroom and the curved margin of Loch Greinard, there lies a tract of country which, as we are informed, has enjoyed but a slender share of modern improvements; and there seems to be a general consent that this lack of progress is ascribable to the want of roads running in south-western directions. So far back as 1844, the rude and almost impassable state of this region had engaged the attention of the proper authorities, who appointed a committee to inspect and report upon the best line of road which should open up this secluded district. Suggestions were thrown into official shape, recommending a road to be formed so as to connect the Little Strath of Lochbroom with the Ullapool road, and a plan, survey, and specification of this intended road, were ordered by the Trustees. Their orders do not, however, appear to have been carried into execution until November 1847, when a Mr Smith made a survey of a line, differing, though not widely, from that which the committee had submitted in their report to the Trustees. Here we must leave the proposition for a

public road-for it never seems to have assumed any legal character or efficiency; and the real matter we have to discuss is a most illegal state of things brought about by the improper interference of the Highland Destitution Relief Board. That most incompetent board had the folly to accept, not hints, but mandatory instructions from the Treasury as to the mode of allocating the immense funds which public benevolence had placed in their hands for a defined object, viz., the supply of food to the famishing Highland peasantry. With what refinement of inhumanity the vaunted labour test, emanating from Treasury Trevelyan, was enforced by Relief Inspector Eliott, has been sufficiently explained in former articles; but no opportunity presented itself until now of dilating on the measureless injustice, shameless jobbery, and sheer illegality which are branded upon the board's co-operative proceedings with proprietors. This so-styled co-operative system, stript of Mr Skene's mystifying verbiage, is neither more nor less than a monstrous malversation of a charitable fund, by giving largesses to noblemen and gentlemen, who may be truly said to have improved their estates by means of public subscriptions. The tricking pretext for this unworthy perversion of a noble aggregate of Christian bounty, was to associate the rich in the sweet task of relieving the destitute poor; but all was false and hollow. The real drift of these co-operative schemes was to give certain proprietors a command of capital, sneakingly abstracted from a munificent fund, meant wholly and solely for the direct relief of destitution. We of course cannot think very exaltedly of proprietors who sued for and received their shares of this unhallowed spoil; but although we deem them to have lacked dignity and disinterestedness, we cannot accuse them of dishonesty. That imputation would rest more fittingly upon those to whom a generous public confided the management of a sacred sum-vast in its amount―gracious in its principle—and delightful in its due distribution, but flagitiously diverted from its proper destination! If discretion did not guide our pen so as to prevent a lapse into provoking personalities, the theme of outraged humanity would instigate a fiery strain of censure against the culpable committeemen who have squandered on the seeming rich, a large portion of the monies subscribed for the relief of the destitute poor. Never again will it be possible to collect such a fund, if even a case of

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tenfold exigence should unhappily arise! The streams of unprecedented public bounty having flowed into a poisoned tank, the springs of charity will henceforth be shut up and sealed; for corrupt committees have polluted what benevolence had so purely poured forth.

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And now for the special application of our accusatory strictures, to the abuse of the board's funds in co-operative road-making in Ross-shire. In September 1847, it comes clearly to light through official documents, that in consequence of communications from the Treasury, the Highland Relief Board authorised their Secretary to address a letter to Mr Davidson of Tulloch, as Convener of the County of Ross, requesting that gentleman to call the attention of the Road Trustees, to the subject of "certain roads in the parishes of Gairloch and Lochbroom," which Dr Mackenzie, Mr Bankes, Mr Mackenzie, Dundonell, and Mr Hay Mackenzie of Cromertie, were desirous of having constructed for the benefit of their tive estates. We must not mince matters by withholding what is really the sum of these suggestions. The relief so urgently required for the starving people dwindled into a matter of fourthrate importance; for, the exercise of Treasury meddling with a view to patronage; the craven compliance of the Relief Board; and the distribution of the latter's funds among importunate proprietors, were considerations of more magnitude than the immediate wants of hungry Highlanders. Of course all reprehensible schemes must be vestured in some subterfuge, and therefore the plea still put forth was relief of the poor, to justify the covert misapplication of resources contributed by the charitable. At the Michaelmas meeting of the county of 1847, Mr Davidson of Tulloch brought forward, and strenuously supported the road-making projects of the Edinburgh Section. Tulloch did not see, or perhaps did not wish to see, that this interference, proceeding from unauthorised and irresponsible parties, who had no more to do with the public roads of Ross-shire, than with the track of the Simplon, was in the highest degree improper and impertinent. But to do him justice, we believe he was caught by the fraudulent flourish of the board's wordy rigmarole. "It appeared to them that they (the dictated lines of road) were equally important for the county, and also for the purpose with which they were more immediately connected, viz., the relief of destitution. They would open up and render accessible a district, the population of which amounts to