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lipoli, or, landing at some Turkish port, say Germany is subject to seizure whether there Enos, march overland to Constantinople. is a blockade or not.
In either event, Italy's entrance into the In the opinion of many, this declaration of Turkish campaign will mean a good deal cotton as contraband is not likely to make more than the addition of one hundred and any very great difference practically. Gerfifty thousand men, or of so many ships. Let many is blockaded by Great Britain. No it not be forgotten that, after many months vessels can go in or out of German ports on of preparation, the military and naval forces the North Sea, and no vessels can, without of Italy are in a state of signal efficiency. England's consent, go from the Atlantic into
But in addition to this there is a moral as the Baltic Sea. England's blockade does not well as a material value. The entrance of prevent trade between Germany and the Italy must powerfully affect sentiment in Baltic ports of other countries ; but it does Bulgaria, Rumania, and Greece.
prevent all trade between Germany and the
United States except as it may be carried on THE BALKAN STATES
through other neutral countries. It is in This is already true of Bulgaria and order to prevent this trade with Germany Rumania. It is reported that the Bulgarian through other neutral ports that Great BritGovernment has itself concentrated a force ain has stopped and searched vessels going of a hundred and fifty thousand men to and from ports in Holland and in other the Turkish frontier. The statement of the neutral countries bordering on the North Bulgarian Prime Minister is now confirmed Sea. Complaint has been made that Great by the statements of Bulgarian representa- Britain had no right to prevent this trade tives abroad, that, if Servia and Greece will through neutral ports. Great Britain replied cede that part of Macedonia inhabited mostly by citing our own practice during the Civil by Bulgars, the Bulgarian troops would im- War. One of the rejoinders to Great Britmediately march on Constantinople.
ain's reply was that our practice had to do In Rumania the new conditions are re- only with contraband, and that cotton was not Aected in the report that the railways have contraband. So now England calls cotton received orders to place all rolling stock at contraband. The legal analogy is supposed the disposition of the Minister of War within to be made complete. three weeks.
A good deal of this discussion is, of course, As to Greece, while the Venizelos Cabi- not over facts and things, but over words. net, succeeding that of the neutralist Le- It was the same kind of debate that ocmetrios Ghounaris, has signalized its entrance curred when Great Britain first started to to power by a declaration of neutrality, no shut off trade from Germany. There was one believes that the man who, against seem- great complaint because she did not call what ingly insurmountable obstacles, was able to she was doing “a blockade.” When she establish the Balkan Confederation among gave it that particular name, a great deal of Greece, Bulgaria, Servia, and Montenegro, that complaint ceased, but she did not change and thus expel Turkey from most of her her practice in the least. So now she is European possessions, will now be powerless going to call cotton “ contraband,” and we in the face of the fact that he is opposed only have no doubt that a great deal of the comby his monarch and by a small minority in plaint that has arisen will cease. the Greek Parliament. Eleutherios Venizelos With the cessation of the old complaint, showed his hand last March when he ar- however, a new ground for complaint has ranged with the Bulgarian Prime Minister been found. England early in the war said for a retrocession of sufficient territory to she was going to follow, with a few excepkeep Bulgaria from attacking Greece, and tions that do not apply to this case, the intimated to the Entente Powers that Greece principles laid down in the Declaration of could send a large force to their assistance London and the Declaration of London. at the Dardanelles. What he planned then excludes from the list of contraband raw he possibly plans now.
cotton. Moreover, England told us that she
was not going to declare cotton contraband. COTTON CONTRABAND
Now she has done what she said she was Great Britain has declared cotton contra- not intending to do. band.
There is some ground for regarding cotton This means that all cotton destined to as contraband, for it is used in the manu
which an entire edition was suppressed because of an editorial that appeared in it. The “Survey " of August 21 reprints
” this editorial in full. We here give some extracts from it-enough to show clearly that there are men in Germany who feel as strongly as most of us in America that the policy of militaristic aggression is a menace to the world, that Germany is responsible for bringing on the present war, and that those who are fighting against Germany are fighting a war of defense on behalf of liberty. Here are some of the things that Vorwärts says :
The present crisis is terrible. ... It shows us that the German people is stricken with a malady which in the end may prove fatal; and this malady is jingoism.
facture of explosives. There is every reason why it should be regarded as conditional contraband, for anything that is intended for the enemy's forces is contraband in that sense. England, however, does not intend to take any chance, and wants to keep all cotton from Germany.
The matter in dispute is one which involves a number of rather intricate points of international law. Naturally, American cottonplanters want to get as large a market for their wares as they can. And, naturally, England does not wish to do anything that will unnecessarily irritate Americans or alienate American friendliness. On the other hand, the United States cannot with self-respect demand from England the abandonment of a practice in which we ourselves indulged when we were at war. The whole matter is one that is capable of being settled either by diplomatic negotiations or by arbitration. It is not one of life and death. It involves no question of humanity. It is a dispute over property.
To us it seems as if England had made a mistake in the way she has handled the question. She made promises which she has not been willing to keep. On the other hand, she is confronted with a very difficult problem and one which we ourselves would find it hard to solve if we were in a similar position, as we may be some day. These considerations make it necessary for our Government to be cautious and amicable while at the same time straightforward and persistent in protecting American rights. There is, of course, no parallel between the issue with England and the issue with Germany.
To argue the contrary was to risk being lynched. As soon as war was actually declared the people of other nations were subjected to
We were honest Germans; our adversaries were“ brutal Russians," "perfidious English,” “insolent Serbs." ... As to who began the war-we were the innocent lambs, while the French, Russians, and British were the wolves of the fable. Those who formerly had imputed to the Jews all the faults of our social state now discovered in England the cause of everything.
Those who desire war ought to accept the evils that it brings. To be enthusiastic for war and then to descend to petty stories about dumdum bullets is simply to grow besotted. Our jingoes have yelled, a hundred thousand times since the war began, " The duty of every citizen is to defend his country to his last breath." Those poor wretches of Belgium and Francehave they done anything else? Have they not defended home and fatherland ? If we acted thus, our conduct would be heroic. On the part of our adversaries it is rebellion and murder.
Let us understand, then, that we merely Germans, French, or Russians, but that we are all men, that all the peoples are of the same blood, and that they have no right to kill one another, but that they ought to love and help one another. Such is Christianity, humane
conduct. Man does not belong to one nation Republic. That somebody, of course, must only ; he belongs to humanity.
be our own Government.
We are glad to add thatour Government has THE ISLAND OF HAITI
now expressed its desire to the Haitian GovEvery day some new event emphasizes the ernment to draft a ten-year treaty under increasing interest which the island of Haiti which there shall be established a control of has for all who watch the beginnings of law Haitian customs dues similar to our control and order.
in Santo Domingo; that American officers The cruder form of civilization is repre- shall command the municipal and rural sented by that third of the island governed by police, and that no Haitian territory shall be the Haitian Republic.
ceded to any foreign power except the The present exigency apparently affords United States. to the United States Government a valuable opportunity for beginning such a work as it began in Santo Domingo (the other two-thirds SULLIVAN INCIDENT of the island) in 1905, and which has re- The Sullivan story in Santo Domingo was dounded to our lasting credit.
supposed to have come to an end with the Like many another Latin-American coun- enforced resignation of Sullivan, but there is try, Haiti has been a hotbed of intrigue and an epilogue. The story does not really end revolution ; indeed, revolution has seemed with the disappearance of the discredited the normal and not the abnormal element of Minister. The incident is really closed by life there. The most recent revolution, as the appointment of a new Minister. He is already described in The Outlook, necessi- William Worthington Russell, we are glad to tated American intervention, and, since the say. He has served his country well in Venlatest chronicle of Haitian affairs in this ezuela as Secretary of Legation ; in Panama paper, the area of our intervention has been as Chargé d'Affaires ; in Colombia, and then considerably extended. We began by enter
in Venezuela, and finally in Santo Domingo, ing Port-au-Prince. It was then necessary
The appointment is thus a reto secure Cap Haïtien. Now it has become appointment. necessary to take over the custom-house at · It seems incredible that a man of Mr. Saint Mare. Admiral Caperton, in charge Russell's qualifications and experience should of our affairs, has assumed charge of these have been asked to resign. And yet he was. custom-houses. It is expected that our There was nothing against his record, and, in naval forces in Haiti will shortly be increased addition, he was nominally a Democrat. But by some three hundred and fifty marines, who he had to make room for a more “deserving will take twelve three-inch guns to the island. Democrat, to use Mr. Bryan's expression. These will be a welcome reinforcement to the Certainly one of the worst features, if expeditionary force of marines and bluejackets not the worst, of the Bryan maladministranow ashore.
The request for the additional tion at Washington was the Sullivan incident. force was based on reports that the rebels in It began with the dismissal of Mr. Russell the interior of the republic were organizing
and now ends by his reappointment. to attack the Americans. The additional marines will give Admiral Caperton a total PAN-AMERICAN of more than twenty-five hundred men avail- RECIPROCITY able for shore duty, enough to meet all proba- After the enactment of the Federal Trade ble emergencies.
Commission Law, President Wilson pointed Of course this is merely the first step in out that the Commission might exercise all the preservation of law and order in the the functions of a tariff board. interests of the Haitians themselves. Fur
The first step by the Administration to ther steps are necessary, owing to the educa- utilize the Commission's powers in this directional and financial exigencies. Somebody tion has just been begun. It is in the must do something to free the natives from
announcement made by the Treasury Detheir dreadful ignorance and superstition, and
partment, as follows: somebody ought to assume more than tem
The Commission will make a searching study porary control of the custom-houses, so that
of all the artificial barriers raised by adverse the financial and economic history of Santo laws and regulations that hinder the expanDomingo may be repeated in the Haitian sion of our commerce with the republics of the
Western Hemisphere, and will submit recom- gered by the nature of the appointments. mendations to the President for the removal of Three members were chosen to represent the obstacles and for the establishment of recip
employers, three to represent employees, rocal trade relations.
and three to represent the so-called “pubWhat are those obstacles ? Tariff laws, of
The element of strife which exists in course, in the first place. But there are also industry was thus introduced into the Commany other impediments to the growth of mission itself. Moreover, the Chairman, trade between Latin-American countries and Mr. Frank P. Walsh, who was one of the our own, such as customs regulations, classi- public's representatives, made it clear from fications of merchandise, consular certificates the start that he had no intention of being and invoices, and, finally, port charges.
judicial. His conception of his office was The present interesting movement on the that it was a platform from which he could part of our Government arose from the recent carry on an agitation. Pan-American Financial Conference in Wash- The hearings were conducted in such a ington. The Conference unanimously recom- way as to call attention to sensational evimended a co-operative effort among the dence and testimony rather than to testimony American governments for the expansion of
and evidence that were significant. Pan-American trade. One of the most im- Nevertheless, some of the results of these portant results of the Conference was the hearings have been of public benefit. By its creation of an International High Commission very dissensions the Commission has demonto consider uniformity of Jaws relating to strated how deep is the rift between emtrade. This commission will be composed ployers and employees, between capital and of nine members from each of the nineteen
labor. The Commission has made, furthercountries that participated in the Conference, more, the industrial problems of the day a the Minister of Finance of each country matter of news. It has put social problems on being chairman of each group.
the front page of the newspaper.
It has thus The Federal Trade Commission will co- made a great many people, who have been operate with the International High Commis- indifferent through ignorance, think. And it sion as far as practicable to bring about all has also revealed to the country some dangers, possible uniformity of laws in the various particularly in some otherwise hidden currents countries. But the larger question of reci- of opinion. And, finally, it has recorded some procity certainly forms the direct basis for the facts and some suggestions which it is well enlargement of Pan-American commercial worth while having on record. relations. Thus, with an international bodythe High Commission—and with the National body—the Federal Trade Commission—both bending their efforts towards a common end, Of course such a Commission could not it does not seem impossible for that end to agree on anything very definite.
The newsbe attained.
paper report that the nine members of the
Commission had succeeded in issuing ten INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS
separate and conflicting opinions was impresCOMMITTEE REPORTS
sionistic rather than accurate. As a matter At the demise of the Federal Commission of fact, the Commission resolved itself into on Industrial Relations last week there were
One consisted of the Chairfew mourners. Its dissensions, and particu- man and the three labor members ; the second larly the unjudicial and injudicious attitude of consisted of the two remaining members of its Chairman, deprived it of public confidence. the “public,” one of them Professor John R. Created, on the initiative of a group of peo
Commons, of the University of Wisconsin; ple particularly interested in social questions, and the third consisted of the employers' for the purpose of investigating the conditions representatives. The two latter groups united that have led to industrial warfare between for the most part in a common report precapital and labor in this country, this Com- pared by Professor Commons, to which the mission had a great opportunity not only to employers' representatives took some excepcollect facts but also to present them to the tions in a separate statement. It thus hapcountry in way that would command pens that the majority report is made by a respect.
minority of the membership. What is still Success for the Commission was endan- more paradoxical is that the radical group in
SOME POINTS OF
this Commission makes recommendations statute and another, it would intrust the that are somewhat conventional, while it is whole problem to a non-political body, not the moderate group that makes the one sug- connected with any regular department of the gestion that is really radical.
Government, but as independent of control In one particular at least all of the members by any Cabinet member as the Inter-State of the Commission agree without saying so. Commerce Commission. All their recommendations, radical and moderate alike, involve a larger exercise of power by the Federal Government. The old idea RECOMMENDATIONS SIGNIFY that such questions as safeguarding the rights Without going further into details it is of property, promoting the welfare of the impossible to criticise these reports. wage-earner, preventing unrest among the however, here possible to point out certain people, and securing justice between employer conclusions to which reasonable persons and employee should be confined to action by ought to come as a result of some of these the several States does not appear, so far as suggestions. we have seen, in any part of this Commis- First, the evils tolerated in employers do sion's reports. The employers and employees not justify the toleration of evils in the labor and the public alike, if we may judge by the organizations. The fact that the Black List statements of their respective representatives, is resorted to by corporations does not give agree that these industrial questions are any ground for defending what is known as National in their scope and require National the Secondary Boycott. Industrial war will treatment.
never be cured by legalizing one wrong as a In two particulars at least all the members reprisal for another.
In this respect we of this Commission come to some sort of think that Mr. Commons is wrong and the common agreement. They all agree that representatives of the employers, in registerthere should be some sort of Federal inheri- ing their exception, are right. tance tax; and they all agree that there Second, there is no doubt of the right of should be further provision for permanent a government to set a limit upon inheritances. investigation of social questions and adminis- Inheritance is a privilege secured by governtration of social and industrial laws.
ment, and it can be curtailed by government. The Walsh faction in the Commission wish We do not believe, however, that the way to not only to tax inheritances but to prohibit deal with the evils of large accumulations of by law the transmission through inheritance wealth is by limiting inheritance to an arbiof a sum greater than one million dollars. trarily determined sum. On the other hand, The other members of the Commission do not we believe it is clear that the taxation of agree to this limitation of inheritance, but inheritances is one of the best forms of taxaadvocate a Federal inheritance tax graded tion, and that it is within the function of so that the larger the inheritance the larger government to levy that tax, not merely with the per cent of the tax should be.
a view to the raising of money for public The Walsh faction make a multitude of purposes, but also for the purpose of securrecommendations. They propose laws of a ing in the interest of all the people a larger great many different sorts—but too many by measure of justice in the distribution of far to report here. "They wish to initiate at wealth. least two Constitutional amendments, one Third, the way to deal with these large embodying a bill of rights and the other pro- . industrial questions is not through a series of hibiting the courts from declaring any law unrelated laws, but through the creation or unconstitutional; and they advocate statutes enlargement of administrative power. In protecting labor organizations, modifying jury this respect we believe that Mr. Commons duty, regulating detective agencies, enlarging and his associates are nearer the truth in the powers of the Federal Trade Commission advocating the creation of a permanent Fedand the Department of Labor, and so on. eral Industrial Commission than are Mr. The rest of the Commission, led by Professor Walsh and his associates in advocating a series Commons, lay emphasis upon the establish- of statutes and Constitutional amendments. ment of a permanent Industrial Commission On the other hand, there is danger in multiby the Federal Government. This is a really plying unnecessarily governmental commisradical suggestion, for instead of attempting sions. Certainly the country as yet is not to deal with this symptom and that by one ready for the elaborately planned Industrial