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ne solid structure of their walls. The last of these citie was the eighteenth station from Medina: the road was famil. lar to the caravans of Hejaz and Irak, who annually visited this plenteous market of the province and the desert: the perpetual jealousy of the Arabs had trained the inhabitants to arms; and twelve thousand horse could sally from the gates of Bosra, an appellation which signifies, in the Syriac language, a strong tower of defence. Encouraged by their first success against the open towns and flying parties of the borders, a detachment of four thousand Moslems presumed to summon and attack the fortress of Bosra. They were op pressed by the numbers of the Syrians; they were saved by the presence of Caled, with fifteen hundred horse: he blamed the enterprise, restored the battle, and rescued his friend, the venerable Serjabil, who had vainly invoked the unity of God and the promises of the apostle. After a short repose, the Moslems performed their ablutions with sand instead of water; 50 and the morning prayer was recited by Caled before they mounted on horseback. Confident in their strength, the people of Bosra threw open their gates, drew their forces into the plain, and swore to die in the defence of their religion. But a religion of peace was incapable of withstanding the fanatic cry of "Fight, fight! Paradise, paradise!" that reëchoed in the ranks of the Saracens ; and the uproar of the town, the ringing of bells,51 and the exclamations of the

in the time of Abulfeda, (Tabul. Syriæ, p. 99,) who describes this city, the metropolis of Hawran, (Auranitis,) four days' journey from Damascus. The Hebrew etymology I learn from Reland, Palestin. tom. ii. p. 666.

50 The apostle of a desert, and an army, was obliged to allow this ready succedaneum for water, (Koran, c. iii. p. 66, c. v. p. 83;) but the Arabian and Persian casuists have embarrassed his free permission with many niceties and distinctions, (Reland de Relig. Mohammed. 1. i. p. 82, 83. Chardin, Voyages en Perse, tom. iv.)

The bells rung! Ockley, vol. i. p. 38. Yet I much doubt whether this expression can be justified by the text of Al Wakidi * or the practice of the times. Ad Græcos, says the learned Ducange, (Glossar. med. et infim. Græcitat. tom. i. p. 774,) campanarum usus serius transit et etiamnum rarissimus est. The oldest example which he can find in the Byzantine writers is of the year 1040; but the Venetians pretend, that they introduced bells at Constantinople in the ixth century.

This history is now considered not to be the genuine work of Al Wakidi. St. Martín, vol. x. p. 213. According to Ockley's translation of the articles of Jerusalem, the Christians" were not to ring, but only toll thei Jells." Hist. of the Sar. vol. i. p. 220.- M.

priests and monks increased the dismay and disorder of the Christians. With the loss of two hundred and thirty men, the Arabs remained masters of the field; and the ramparts of Bosra, in expectation of human or divine aid, were crowded with holy crosses and consecrated banners. The governor Romanus had recommended an early submission: despised by the people, and degraded from his office, he still retained the desire and opportunity of revenge. In a nocturnal interview, he informed the enemy of a subterraneous passage from his house under the wall of the city; the son of the caliph, with a hundred volunteers, were committed to the faith of this new ally, and their successful intrepidity gave an easy entrance to their companions. After Caled had imposed the terms of servitude and tribute, the apostate or convert avowed in the assembly of the people his meritorious treason: "I renounce your society," said Romanus, "both in this world and the world to come. And I deny him that was crucified, and whosoever worships him. And I choose God for my Lord, Islam for my faith, Mecca for my temple, the Moslems for my brethren, and Mahomet for my prophet; who was sent to lead us into the right way, and to exalt the true religion in spite of those who join partners with God."

The conquest of Bosra, four days' journey from Damascus,52 encouraged the Arabs to besiege the ancient capital of Syria.53 At some distance from the walls, they encamped among the groves and fountains of that delicious territory,54

Damascus is amply described by the Sherif al Edrisi, (Geograph Nub. p. 116, 117;) and his translator, Sionita, (Appendix, c. 4;) Abulfeda, (Tabula Syriæ, p. 100;) Schultens, (Index Geograph. ad Vit. Saladin ;) D'Herbeiot, (Bibliot. Orient. p. 261;) Thevenot, (Voyage du Levant, part i. p. 688-698;) Maundrell, (Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 122-130;) and Pocock, (Description of the East, vol. ii. p. 117-127.)

63 Nobilissima civitas, says Justin. According to the Oriental traditions, it was older than Abraham or Semiramis. Joseph. Antiq. Jud. 1. i. c. 6, 7, p. 24, 29, edit. Havercamp. Justin. xxxvi. 2.

54 Έδει γάρ, οἶμαι, τὴν Διὸς πόλιν ἀληθῶς, καὶ τὸν τῆς ̔Εώας ἁπάσης ὀφθαλμόν· τὴν ἱερὰν καὶ μεγίστην Δαμασκον λέγω· τοῖς τε ἄλλοις συμπασιν, οἷον ἱερῶν κάλλει, καὶ νεῶν μεγέθει, καὶ ὡρῶν εὐκαιρίᾳ, καὶ πηγῶν ἀγλαΐα, καὶ ποταμῶν πλήθει, καὶ γῆς εὐφορία νικώσαν, &c. Julian. epist. xxίν. μ. 392. These splendid epithets are occasioned by the figs of Damascus, of which an author sends a hundred to his friend Serapion, and this rhetorical theme is inserted by Petavius, Spanheim, &c., (p. 390-396,` Among the genuine epistles of Julian. How could they overlook that the writer is an inhabitant of Damascus, (he thrice affirms, that this

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and the usual option of the Mahometan faith, of tribute or of war, was proposed to the resolute citizens, who had been lately strengthened by a reënforcement of five thousand Greeks. In the decline, as in the infancy, of the military art a hostile defiance was frequently offered and accepted by the generals themselves : many a lance was shivered in the plain of Damascus, and the personal prowess of Caled was signalized in the first sally of the besieged. After an obsti. nate combat, he had overthrown and made prisoner one of the Christian leaders, a stout and worthy antagonist. He instantly mounted a fresh horse, the gift of the governor of Palmyra, and pushed forwards to the front of the battle. "Repose yourself for a moment," said his friend Derar," and permit me to supply your place : you are fatigued with fighting with this dog." "O Derar!" replied the indefatigable Saracen, " we shall rest in the world to come. He that labors to-day shall rest to-morrow." With the same unabated ardor, Caled answered, encountered, and vanquished a second champion; and the heads of his two captives who refused to abandon their religion were indignantly hurled into the midst of the city. The event of some general and partial actions reduced the Damascenes to a closer defence: but a messenger, whom they dropped from the walls, returned with the promise of speedy and powerful succor, and their tumultuous joy conveyed the intelligence to the camp of the Arabs. After some debate, it was resolved by the generals to raise, or rather to suspend, the siege of Damascus, till they had given Dattle to the forces of the emperor. In the retreat, Caled would have chosen the more perilous station of the rear-guard; he modestly yielded to the wishes of Abu Obeidah. the hour of danger he flew to the rescue of his companion, who was rudely pressed by a sally of six thousand horse and ten thousand foot, and few among the Christians could relate at Damascus the circumstances of their defeat. The importance of the contest required the junction of the Sara cens, who were dispersed on the frontiers of Syria and Palestine; and I shall transcribe one of the circular mandates

But in

peculiar fig grows only nag' quir,) a city which Julian never entered or approached?

55 Voltaire, who casts a keen and lively glance over the surface of history, has been struck with the resemblance of the first Moslems and the heroes of the Iliad; the siege of Troy and that of Damascus (Hist. Généralé, tom. i. p. 348.)

which was addressed to Amrou, the future conqueror of Egypt. "In the name of the most merciful God: from Ca led to Amrou, health and happiness. Know that thy brethren the Moslems design to march to Aiznadin, where there is an army of seventy thousand Greeks, who purpose to come against us, that they may extinguish the light of God with their mouths; but God preserveth his light in spite of the infidels,56 As soon therefore as this letter of mine shall be delivered to thy hands, come with those that are with thee to Aiznadin, where thou shalt find us if it please the most high God." The summons was cheerfully obeyed, and the fortyfive thousand Moslems, who met on the same day, on the same spot ascribed to the blessing of Providence the effects of their activity and zeal.

About four years after the triumphs of the Persian war, the repose of Heraclius and the empire was again disturbed by a new enemy, the power of whose religion was more strongly felt, than it was clearly understood, by the Christians of the East. In his palace of Constantinople or Antioch, he was awakened by the invasion of Syria, the loss of Bosra, and the danger of Damascus.* An army of seventy thousand veterans, or new levies, was assembled at Hems or Emesa, under the command of his general Werdan: 57 and these troops, consisting chiefly of cavalry, might be indifferently styled either Syrians, or Greeks, or Romans: Syrians, from the place of their birth or warfare; Greeks from the religion and language of their sovereign; and Romans, from the proud appellation which was still profaned by the successors of

56 These words are a text of the Koran, c. ix. 32, Ix. 8. Like our fanatics of the last century, the Moslems, on every familiar or important occasion, spoke the language of their Scriptures; a style more natural in their mouths than the Hebrew idiom transplanted into the climate and dialect of Britain.

57 The name of Werdan is unknown to Theophanes; and, though it might belong to an Armenian chief, has very little of a Greek aspect or sound. If the Byzantine historians have mangled the Oriental names, the Arabs, in this instance, likewise have taken ample revenge en their enemies. In transposing the Greek character from right to left, might they not produce, from the familiar appellation of Andrew, something like the anagram Wordan? †

It is difficult here to reconcile the Persian authorities of Major Price with the Arabian writers consulted by Gibbon.

Vardan is an Armenian name. M. St. Martin conjectures that he was of the Mamigonian race; vol. xi p. 205. — M.

Constantine. On the plain of Aiznadin, as Werdan rode or a white mule decorated with gold chains, and surrounded with ensigns and standards, he was surprised by the near approach of a fierce and naked warrior, who had undertaken to view the state of the enemy. The adventurous valor of Derar was inspired, and has perhaps been adorned, by the enthusiasrn of his age and country. The hatred of the Christians, the love of spoil, and the contempt of danger, were the ruling passions of the audacious Saracen; and the prospect of instant death could never shake his religious confidence, or ruffle the calmness of his resolution, or even suspend the frank and martial pleasantry of his humor. In the most hopeless enterprises, he was bold, and prudent, and fortunate: after innumerable hazards, after being thrice a prisoner in the hands of the infi. dels, he still survived to relate the achievements, and to enjoy the rewards, of the Syrian conquest. On this occasion, his single lance maintained a flying fight against thirty Romans, who were detached by Werdan; and, after killing or unhorsing seventeen of their number, Derar returned in safety to his applauding brethren. When his rashness was mildly censured by the general, he excused himself with the simplicity of a soldier. "Nay," said Derar, "I did not begin first but they came out to take me, and I was afraid that God should see me turn my back and indeed I fought in good earnest, and without doubt God assisted me against them; and had I not been apprehensive of disobeying your orders, I should not have come away as I did; and I perceive already that they will fall into our hands." In the presence of both armies, a venerable Greek advanced from the ranks with a liberal offer of peace; and the departure of the Saracens would have been purchased by a gift to each soldier, of a turban, a robe, and a piece of gold; ten robes and a hundred pieces to their leader; one hundred robes and a thousand pieces to the caliph. A smile of indignation expressed the refusal of Caled. "Ye Christian dogs, you know your option; the Koran, the tribute, or the sword. We are a people whose delight is in war, rather than in peace and we despise your pitiful alms, since we shall be speedily masters of your wealth, your families, and your persons." Notwithstanding this apparent disdain, he was deeply conscious of the public danger: those who had been in Persia, and had seen the armies of Chosroes, confessed that they never beheld a more formidable array. From the superiority of the enemy, the

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