Position of the Ministry-Mr. A. J. Balfour at Manchester-The National Liberal Federation at Cardiff-Lord Rosebery's Address--Sir Wm. Harcourt at Derby —Mr. Asquith at Hull-Mr. John Morley at Newcastle The New Labour Party and the Miners' Federation-The Attitude of the Government-Meeting of Parliament-Queen's Speech-Debate on the Address-Amendments in the Commons by Mr. Jeffreys, Mr. J. Redmond, Mr. Chamberlain-The Colchester Election-Indian Cotton Duties-Voluntary Schools-Mr. Chamberlain at Stepney-The Church in Wales Bill-Bimetallism Debate-Factories Act Amendment Bill-London County Council Election-The Irish Land BillExtradition of Jabez Balfour-The Cost of Cyprus-Navy Estimates-Army Estimates-Speaker's Retirement Announced-Second Reading of the Welsh Church Bill-Lord Rosebery's Illness-East Bristol Election-The Vacancy at Leamington-The Home Secretary at Cambridge-Payment of Members-Egyptian Affairs-Home Rule all round-Irish Land Bill Read a Second Time -The Local Control Bill--The Speaker's Retirement-Election of Mr. Gully. AT no moment since its formation had the Cabinet, which Lord Rosebery had inherited from Mr. Gladstone, found itself in such smooth waters as at the opening of the New Year. Our relations with foreign Powers, especially with France and Germany, were not precisely cordial, but they were not more perplexing than they had often been without serious results. Russia was for the moment standing aloof from all engagements with Western Powers, and apparently absorbed in the new questions raised by the war between Japan and China. Lord Rosebery's reputation as a skilful negotiator had not been raised by his attempted dealings with Belgium in Central Africa, but he had managed to retreat from a doubtful position without serious loss of dignity. At home, externally at least, A 66 the appearance of a harmonious Cabinet was preserved; and whatever may have been the jealousies and intrigues which were at work, its individual members were eagerly preparing or advertising specifics for the national happiness and prosperity, which their colleagues, as a body, accepted and endorsed, and which they maintained would commend themselves to the electorate, as the more or less remote appeal to the ballot boxes would prove. The idea of bringing the question of confidence or no confidence to an issue on the questions already raised was definitely abandoned. The rejection of Irish Home Rule and of the Employers' Liability Bill by the House of Lords had failed to stir popular feeling against that branch of the Legislature, and the inexpediency and even the futility of grounding a resolution (condemning the action of the Lords) on such a pretext was admitted even by the small group of stalwart Radicals who were sincerely opposed to the Lords' veto in any form. The alternative policy-that of filling up the cup," by presenting measures which, having passed the Commons by a small majority, were sure to be thrown out by a large one in the Lords-was ultimately adopted, and curiosity and ingenuity were alike taxed to the utmost to forecast the mode in which the resolution would have to be drafted so as to offend as little as possible newlycreated and prospective additions to the Upper House. An election, moreover, was pending in the Midlands, of which the result might, it was hoped, modify in some measure the depressing effects of the contests in Forfarshire and Lincolnshire (Brigg), where the Ministerialists had met with unexpected rebuffs. The party managers at the same time were reported to be far from unanimous as to the best course to pursue. Some were for holding on, not only throughout the year, but until the new register should come into force (Jan., 1896), whilst others urged that it would be more and more difficult to conjure with Mr. Gladstone's name, in proportion as his personal influence and attraction faded from men's minds. Under such circumstances it was not surprising that rumours abounded. One day it was asserted that Sir William Harcourt, desirous of framing a democratic Budget by the help of his surplus, had resigned, being unable to agree with his colleagues to an increase of naval expenditure. On another it was declared that Lord Rosebery, weary of the situation, was anxious to take the sense of electors, which, if favourable, would enable him to form his Cabinet afresh. Little light was thrown on the subject by Mr. Campbell-Bannerman (Jan. 7), who contented himself by assuring his audience at Hawick that the strength of their party lay in principles of justice and equality, whilst the weakness of their opponents was alike visible in their lack of both principle and programme. He added, however, that the main objects of his party were to establish Irish Home Rule, to disestablish the Church, and to "deal with" the House of Lords, not by strengthening that body, but by asserting the supremacy of the representative Chamber. In this the War Minister seemed to be somewhat at variance with his colleague, the President of the Board of Trade, Mr. Bryce, who, speaking a few days previously at Darwen (Jan. 4), had expressed himself in favour of a Second Chamber, so strengthened by popular authority as might claim to represent mature experience and cautious wisdom. The actual political campaign was opened by Mr. A. J. Balfour, who addressed his constituents in East Manchester (Jan. 16) a week later. He anticipated a general election within a comparatively short time, certainly within the year, and he then laid down with precision the issue upon which it would be fought throughout the country. The Unionists, he said, would uphold a national policy, putting the interests of the whole nation in the front of the battle. Their opponents, made up of cliques and sections, could only be held together by reciprocal pledges to assist each other in destroying in turn the political aversion of each clique-the unity of the kingdom at the request of the Irish clique, the unity of the national Church at the request of the Welsh clique, and the unity of the Constitution at the request of the Radical clique. For himself and his party, Mr. Balfour declared that their policy was to keep the empire secure and powerful, to strike at the root of Socialism by inaugurating wise and temperate social reforms, and to preserve such institutions as had life by adapting them to the special needs of the time. The most important feature, however, of Mr. Balfour's speech was the indication it gave of his own wishes and feelings with regard to the outcome of the approaching general election. He anticipated clearly the return of the Unionists to power, and he regarded the necessity of including in any Cabinet a fair proportion of those Liberals. who, since 1886, had thrown in their lot with the Conservatives. His desire obviously was that such a coalition Cabinet should represent the groups of which the Unionist party had been formed, and had acquired its power in the country. The example set by Mr. Goschen would, he hoped, be followed on a larger scale, and the rank and file of the party be prepared to ratify such an arrangement. In his second speech (Jan. 17) Mr. Balfour dealt with the more delicate question of the Indian cotton duties, which the Government of India, in view of its financial necessities, had imposed upon the importation of Manchester goods. Mr. Balfour warmly repudiated the idea that he or his constituents regarded India as nothing but a source of wealth from which it was right to wring the last grain of profit, which superior powers of production might render possible. At the same time he held it ridiculous to say that English interests were never to be considered, and that the English manufacturer should be expected to submit in silence to unfavourable treatment. He held, too, |