sesses are its faith in a God of righteousness, intelligence, love, and power; in the revelation of God's nature in the personality of Jesus Christ; in his life, death, and resurrection, and in a divine purpose running through and shaping the whole order of events. What the nature of God is for purposes of accurate definition no man knows and no church has ever known. The authority of Christ as expressed in terms of his personality no man has ever defined, nor has any church. The manner of his resurrection no man knows, nor does any church. What the Church knows are the facts; the complete and final definition of those facts is quite beyond its present reach, as it ought to be. That is for the clear light of His presence, not for this intermediate period when the race is sitting on the benches of the great school learning the rudimentary lessons of the spiritual life. The Church of the future, whatever it may call itself, will be based on a few fundamental facts, and must be broad enough to make room for men who hold all possible interpretations of those facts and who desire to worship the Infinite along all natural lines, whether of intellect, of emotion, or of beauty. The United States is founded on certain definite principles, but it is broad enough to include the most radical Democrat, the most radical Republican, the most radical Prohibitionist, the most radical Socialist. This conception of the Church makes heresy trials impossible. Whether Dr. Crapsey has a right to remain a preacher in the Church and hold the doctrines with which he is accredited, The Outlook does not attempt to decide. That is a matter which rests with Dr. Crapsey's conscience and with the congregation to whom he ministers. Of his purity of life, his profound earnestness, the great interest attaching to his services, there seems to be no question. It is quite possible that he is one of those men who lack the balance, sense of reality, and restraint which ought to be in every pulpit; but these matters are incidental to the great question of the manner in which a socalled heretic shall be treated. Heresy trials have always brought to the front the most offensive and unchristian elements in the Church. There is no authority for them in the New Testament; they are antagonistic to the whole body of Christ's utterances, as they are to his spirit; they have never settled any question; they have always disseminated error instead of exterminating it. They belong to a low type of religious life and to a provincial conception of the Christian Church. That Church ought to be large enough to keep the heretics on the inside. The men who differ from it on certain points, but who are eager to see its work forwarded, ought to remain within its fold even if they take themselves, as they sometimes do, out of its places of teaching. The critical study of the Christian religion in all forms, however radical, ought to be carried on within and not without the Church. The Church has never lost by welcoming truth from every quarter; it has always lost disastrously when, in a spirit of timidity, it has opposed the coming of new truth into the world. The divine method of overcoming error is by the substitution of truth, not by the introduction of the policeman. The Church cannot afford to be narrower than the Nation; it cannot, in an age of freedom, represent the spirit and methods of an age of repression. What the Church needs and what it presently will have in dealing with the men whom it once cast out for difference of opinion is the spirit of infinite love. The more a man errs, the more tenaciously ought the Church to hold to him; the farther he goes astray, the more devotedly ought it to stretch out its hands to him. No man, under any circumstances, ought to be driven out of the Church. The Church is not for saints; if it were, it would constitute but a handful of men and women. It is for sinners, and sinners it has had in abundance in every age among its popes, archbishops, priests, and ministers of every communion. Measured by the highest standards of character, they have all needed the divine mercy and tenderness; and it is in the spirit of the Christ, who hated iniquity but who sought the sinner with tireless and self-sacrificing devotion and died for men in intellectual and moral One continue to enter the United States. There are two methods of remedy. is that of making the tests more stringent; the other is by improving the machinery by which the tests are applied. The Outlook believes that both methods should be used. error, that it has held its doors open to the diseased, the shiftless, and the stupid its erring children. The Church will never rise to its opportunity, never reveal itself to the world, never express the spirit of its Master, until it places the trial for heresy with the duel, the gage of battle, and the thumb-screw in the museums of the past. Fearlessness, love, tenderness, and infinite patience are its instruments; not courts and trials and legal arguments. The method of stiffening the regulations is adopted by two bills now before Congress. By them thrift and intelligence are more strictly tested. The head tax is raised from two to five dol The Control of Immi- lars; and every immigrant is required to gration Good character, health, thrift, and intelligence are more to be desired than any other imports. The man who brings these qualities with him into this land is more to be welcomed than the man who brings gold. Of bad character, disease, shiftlessness, and stupidity we already have enough in America; and the man who, arriving in an American port from a foreign land, brings these qualities with him is not welcome; he ought to be excluded. The problem of regulating immigration is the problem of separating those incoming aliens who have the qualities we want from those who have the qualities we do not want. The immigrant's material possessions we can measure; but those possessions of his which have most significance to us we can only estimate. The best we can do is to select certain tests and declare that those who stand these tests we shall take the risk of accepting on the probability that they have the qualities we want-and all the others we shall reject. This is in practice what we attempt to do. A person with a criminal record we reject as failing in the test for good character; a person with any one of a specified list of diseases or disabilities we reject as failing in the test for good health; a person who cannot indicate some means by which he will be selfsupporting is rejected as failing in the test for thrift; and a person who in specified ways shows that he is mentally incompetent is rejected as failing in the test for intelligence. In spite of these tests, the depraved, show that he possesses a certain amount of money-the amount graded by sex, age, and family responsibility. Each immigrant of a certain age or over is required to show that he can read some language. It cannot be disputed that these tests for thrift and intelligence are far from accurate; but tests of this sort, though absolutely necessary, are at best only approximate. The second method, that of improving the machinery of examination, The Outlook regards as still more important. It is of little advantage to increase the number of tests if the machinery is inadequate for the tests required at present. And that machinery will remain inadequate as long as it is practically confined to the limits of one port where the immigrants are concentrated as at the small end of a funnel. In another column Mr. Ogg points out the necessity for making the examination before the various immigrant processions are united in one enormous mass. Examination at the ports of embarkation is advocated by the Commissioner-General of Immigration. Upon this will, we believe, Iwait almost all other reforms. The distribution of immigrants (to encourage which one bill now before Congress would establish a bureau of information), the holding of steamship companies to stricter account, the establishment of clearer understanding with foreign countries on a subject which, in the form of emigration, is in many cases quite as important to them as to us, and the more efficient discrimination between the desirable and the undesirable, will all be promoted by examination abroad. The United States wants the right kind of immigrants; but the United States ought not to let the steamship companies and the padrones decide what kind is the right kind. If the Nation, rather than commercial organizations, is to determine the quality of immigration, and therefore its own future character, it must first renovate its immigration machinery and then apply it more stringently. dens are likely to increase rather than diminish. The East and the West are coming into intimate relations, and the time is not distant when the groaning boy and sighing girl will sit up at night over Hindustani, Persian, and Arabic grammars. The facility of the Russians as linguists is popularly explained by the fact that their own language is so difficult that all other languages are easy to them; and it may occur to the schoolmasters of the future that the best dis Mr. James lish Speech The movement to discard useless letters from English words and to reform the dissolute and irresponsible spelling of a highly respectable language deserves cordial support and is certain to make its way; but it looks now as if the friends of English, putting aside for the time minor reforms, would be compelled to rally to the support of the language itself. The mother tongue is threatened with a paralysis of its normal functions; it is passing out of the possession of the great middle class" who use it as a means of communicating their commonplace thoughts and experiences, and falling into the hands of experts, who are making it an esoteric dialect for the use of a small body of initiates. The loss of a language is a serious business; and in this case it is peculiarly serious because English is in such general use in all parts of the world. If to this loss is added the necessity of learning another form of human speech, the magnitude of the injury done to English-speaking peoples by these ruthless fanatics, to whom nothing is sacred until it becomes unintelligible, is apparent. It has been said that if the Romans had been compelled to learn their own language, they would never have had time to conquer the world; and a witty Englishman declared that the highest success of the teaching of Greek and Latin in the public schools of England was to convince the boys that there are such languages. The backs of modern boys and girls already bend under the loads of knowledge which they are compelled to carry by the demands of college entrance examinations, and these bur the modern languages will be a preliminary course in Russian by way of general preparation. At this critical moment in linguistic development comes Mr. Henry James, fresh from prolonged contact with the sources of Culture, and proposes to substitute for our mother tongue a kind of speech which can be described only by itself. It has often been said that art is never a matter of material but always a matter of manner; and Mr. Henry James has demonstrated the truth of this general principle beyond all questioning. Here, by way of illustration, are some recent remarks of his in the "North American Review" on the subject of American teeth: as su I remember to have heard it remarked by a French friend, of a young woman who had returned to her native land after some years of domestic service in America, that she had acquired there, with other advantages, le sourire Californien, and the " Californian " smile, indeed, expressed, more or less copiously, in undissimulated cubes of the precious metal, plays between lips that render scant other tribute to civilization. The greater interest, in this connection, however, is that impression of the state and appearance of the teeth viewed among the "refined" premely important, which the restored absentee, long surrounded elsewhere with the strangest cynicisms of indifference on this article, makes the subject of one of his very first notes. Every one, in "society," has good, tended, teeth; so that the offered spectacle, handsome, pretty, has above all cherished and frequent in other societies, of strange irregu larities, protrusions, deficiencies, fangs and tusks and cavities, is quite refreshingly and consolingly absent. The consequences of care and forethought, from an early age, thus write themselves on the facial page distinctly and happily, and it is not too much to say that the total show is, among American assometimes balance, for charm, against a pects, cumulatively charming. One sees it greater number of other felicitous items, in that totality, than one would quite know where to begin naming. Railroads are difficult to regulate; even President Roosevelt's prodigious vitality has been taxed to the utmost by the endeavor to secure a system of rates which the public can understand. In the very crisis of the discussion of this perplexing question, and while the Titans of the Senate are hurling Pelions and Ossas at one another with reckless disregard of consequences, Mr. James has seen fit to make a few remarks on the Pennsylvania Railroad, so subtle as to disconcert and perplex even those statesmen who have arrived at greatness by a use of language always suggestive of the presence of thought but never actually disclosing it. Accustomed as they are to saying what they do not mean and meaning what they do not say, we venture the prediction that they will find their match in Mr. James in these remarkable words from the "North American Review :" the recondite, the esoteric, the secondary meaning of things, is bent on converting our dear familiar English into a learned dialect; changing its ancient poetry into modern psychological prose and denuding it of art in the interest of "pure scholarship." Has Mr. James considered the possible influence of his example on the unlearned! If not, let him reflect on the full significance of this reproduction of his latest style by an unlettered reporter in a Western newspaper : TOLD ALL IN ONE SENTENCE Doll Faulkner was the victim of quite a serious accident yesterday evening, while riding a bicycle out to his brother Tom's home in the southeast part of the city, as a result of the breaking of the frame near the front wheel, pitching Doll headlong to the ground, striking upon his face, which was cut. and bruised in a most frightful manner, chief of which was a terrible gash clear across his forehead, while the nose, mouth, and chin were badly cut. I had occasion repeatedly to find the The Situation in France Pennsylvania Railroad a beguiling and predisposing influence-in relation to various objectives; and, indeed, I quite lost myself in the singularity of this effect, which existed for me certainly only in that connection, touching me with a strange and most agreeable sense that the great line in question, an institution with a style and allure of its own, is not, even the world over, as other railroads are. It absolutely, with a little frequentation, affected me as better and higher than its office or function, and almost as supplying one with a mode of life intrinsically superior. Not many months ago Mr. James was uttering words of wisdom to the graduating class at one of the foremost colleges for women concerning the slovenly and vulgar use of English in this country. There was, unfortunately, too much ground for his severe criticism of English as it is spoken by many Americans. But what shall be said of English as it written by this American? It can hardly be true that the author of "The Passionate Pilgrim" and those other charming tales which beguiled our youth and made us sure that another master of the art of writing had appeared has become, as an eminent man of letters has recently said, "the worst writer of English, living or dead." It is more charitable to assume that Mr. James, who loves the exclusive, The reports of impending revolution which have been coming from Europe during the past two weeks have borne evidence of sensational origin. The world is still in the habit of thinking of Paris as a volcano and of expecting explosions at short intervals; it does not make sufficient allowance for a generation of training in self-government. After many vicissitudes and a tragic history, France has now been in school for thirty-five years, and the results of its training have been manifest in the steadiness with which the country has gone through crises which in the old days would have let loose torrents of eloquence and uncontrolled passion. More than once in the last decade the French people have met grave crises with a restraint and calmness which have been the very best evidence that the country as a whole is rapidly fitting itself into republican forms of government, and that the people and their political institutions are daily becoming more vitally related. The present troubles, which are industrial in their origin, or at least in their occasion, began in the north of France, where forty thousand miners are now striking. If reports are to be trusted, the mines have enjoyed great prosperity; so great that the workmen ought to have shared in that prosperity by an increase of wages several years ago. Their demands were not met in a conciliatory or fair-minded way; and at the moment when discontent began to pass into bitterness, there came the terrible disaster at Courrières, reported in these columns. The extraordinary indifference shown by the mine-owners in their attempts to extricate the imprisoned miners stirred discontent into fury. Later investigations brought out the fact that in some of the mines ordinary appliances for safety were not provided, and that the cperators in a time of great prosperity had been criminally neglectful of the safety of their employees. This disaster gave a dramatic aspect to the situation and made it possible for demagogues and agitators from Paris to lead the miners on in acts of lawlessness. The accession of M. Clemenceau to the Cabinet as Minister of the Interior had given the working classes throughout France the feeling that affairs were very much in their own hands; for the new Minister has long been a leader of the Radical section. Born in Vendée in 1841, educated at Nantes, after a residence of several years in Paris M. Clemenceau came to this country, lived here for four years, returned to Paris, was elected Mayor of Montmartre, one of the most radical divisions of Paris, when the Republic was proclaimed, afterwards to the National Assembly, and entered the Chamber of Deputies in 1876. As Mayor, Deputy, and editor of "L'Aurore," a Radical journal, M. Clemenceau had long been regarded as one of the foremost exponents of extreme Radicalism, and as a leader among the workingmen. He made an endeavor, by personal intervention, to settle the differences between the operators and the miners, visiting the mining section and trying to persuade the strikers to accept the conditions offered them and return to work. The miners, infuriated by what they believed to have been gross disregard of their safety and culpable indifference to the fate of the men entombed in the mine at Courrières, were ripe for mischief, and agitators who came from Paris were quick to see the opportunity of changing a strike into an insurrection. Then began a series of outrages upon persons and property; and, if reports are to be trusted, forty thousand men were practically in arms against the Government. Troops were 'promptly sent to the scene of disorder, first in small, then in larger, numbers. They were ordered on no account to use their arms, but passively to defend public buildings and mines, and to endeavor by their presence to overawe the miners. The latter understood the situation, and acts of violence were redoubled in number and fierceness. Public buildings, railway and telegraph lines, and mining property of all sorts were destroyed, and the looting of shops and burning of houses began. The troops were attacked in the street and were not allowed to defend themselves. Three thousand rioters made an attack on the town of Haveluy in order to release certain prisoners who had been taken by the troops. An attempt was made by light cavalry to check their attack, but the cavalry were overwhelmed with showers of stones, several were unhorsed, and the crowd entered the village triumphantly, singing "Insurgé," a song which has recently become popular among the revolutionists. The houses occupied by men who were still working were wrecked, defensive barricades were thrown up in the streets, and when two additional squadrons of cuirassiers arrived they were received with showers of bricks and broken bottles, while they sat passively on their horses, unable to deploy in the narrow street. The fight lasted an hour. Again and again the soldiers charged in vain, and the troops were finally forced to retire amid the shouts of the victorious insurgents. This outbreak of disorder in the north, met with vacillation and weakness by the Government, encouraged strikes in other parts of the country, and more disorder is reported at Brest, Toulon, and other seaports. There has been an attempt on the part of the leaders of the Confederation of Labor to organize a universal strike, to begin in Paris on Wednesday of this week. M. Clemenceau, who has been sharply criti |