Obrázky na stránke
PDF
ePub

Sume duos Equites, fac tertia quadringenta, ce
Si nondum implevi gremium, si panditur ultr
Nec Crosi fortuna umquam nec Persica regna
Sufficient animo nec divitiæ Narcissi,
330 Indulsit Cæsar cui Claudius omnia, cujus
Paruit imperiis, uxorem occidere jussus.

[ocr errors]

326. Cf. Pers. vi. 75-80.

The third four hundred :' 1200 sestertia were a senator's estate. Suet. Aug. 41. Dio lv. Plut. V. Anton. R.

327. Cf. vi. 215. "Good measure, pressed down, and shaken together, and running over, shall men give into your bosom;" St Luke vi. 38. Isaiah lxv. 6 sq. M. "Wherewith the mower filleth not his hand, nor he that bindeth sheaves his bosom," Psalm cxxix. 7. "The lot is cast into the lap?" Prov. xvi. 33. 328. Cræsus; x. 274. PR.

The kings of Persia (especially Darius and Xerxes, cf. Justin, LU.) and those of Parthia were celebrated for their opulence. M. R.

[ocr errors]

is sarcastically alluded to by Seneca, in a passage of exquisite humour: excandescit Claudius: quid diceret nemo intelligebat. ille autem febrim duci jubebat, illo gestu solutæ manus, quo decollare homines solebat. jusserat illi collum præcidi; putares omnes illius esse libertos, adeo illum nemo curabat; Apokol. G.

331. Mirum inter hæc silentium Claudii; nempe cum indefensa conjux exitio daretur : omnia liberto obediebant... ac ni cædem ejus Narcissus properavisset, verterat pernicies in accusatorem. et cum imperatoris languescere iram, amorem redire audisset, prorupit Narcissus denuntiatque centurionibus et tribuno, qui aderant, exsequi 329. Claudius was entirely under the cædem, &c. Tac. xi. 26-38. and again; management of his freedmen. His prime nec enim Claudius Messalinam uxorem, favourites were Posides, Felix, Harpocras, qui nupsit Silio, interfecisset, nisi propePolybius, suspexit ante omnes Narcissum rasset index, delator adulterii, et quodamab epistolis et Pallantem a rationibus: quos modo imperator cædis Narcissus. cf. x. 330 decreto quoque senatus non præmiis modo sqq. PR. Suet. Cl. 26. 29. 39. Tac. xi. ingentibus, sed et quæstoriis prætoriisque 12. R. The two accusers of the proornamentis ornari libenter passus est: tan- fligate empress were not more fortunate. tum præterea acquirere et rapere, ut, que- Narcissus preserved his influence during rente eo quondam de fisci exiguitate, non the life of Claudius, but on the accession absurde sit dictum "abundaturum, si a of Nero, Agrippina, whose designs he duobus libertis in consortium reciperetur;" had endeavoured to thwart, threw him Suet. Claud. 28. Nág×10005 μégiotov Tv into prison; and by a detestable refineτότε ἀνθρώπων δυνηθείς μυριάδας σε yagment in cruelty compelled him, through πλείους μυρίων εἶχε, καὶ προσεῖχον αὐτῷ πόλεις καὶ βασιλεῖς κ. τ. λ. Dio lx. p. 688. c. Plin. xxxiii. 10. FLO. PR. R.

330. The state of dependence in which this moon-calf was kept by these minions

mere want of sustenance, to put an end
to his own life. A strange catastrophe
for one who had seen the resources of the
Roman world at his feet. For Pallas, see
i. 109. G.

[ocr errors]

SATIRE XV.

ARGUMENT.

In this Satire, which was written after the author's return from Egypt, he directs his ridicule at the sottish and ferocious bigotry of the natives. The enumeration of their animal and vegetable gods is a fine specimen of dignified humour; 1-13. and though he may be thought to treat the actors in the horrid transaction, which makes the chief subject of his poem, with too indiscriminate a severity, yet it should be considered that he had, for many justifiable causes, long regarded the country and the countrymen of Crispinus with aversion: which was not much diminished, we may presume, by a nearer view of both. G.

When he asserts, in general terms, the cannibalism of these ferocious enthusiasts, 13. he is fully aware of the scepticism of those who hear such stories for the first time; 13-26. but he gives an example which had actually occurred recently, in the religious feuds of the Tentyrites and Coptites. 27-97. Not but what instances were on record of men eating one another when driven to desperation and pressed by extreme famine; 93-114. and barbarians had been known to sacrifice their fellow-creatures, but not to devour them. 115-128. R.

The conclusion of the Satire, which is a just and beautiful description of the origin of civil society, 147-158. (infinitely superior to any thing Lucretius or Horace has delivered on the subject,) does honour to the genius, good sense, and enlightened morality, (I had almost said, piety,) of the author. It is not founded in natural instinct, but on principles of mutual benevolence, 131 sqq. implanted, not by Nature, 132. (as Gibbon carelessly or perversely makes the author assert,) but by Nature's God, 147 sqq. in the breast of man, and of man alone. 142 sqq. G.

[ocr errors]

QUIS nescit, Volusi Bithynice, qualia demens
Ægyptus portenta colat?, Crocodilon adorat
Pars hæc illa pávet saturam serpentibus ibin.
Effigies sacri nitet, aurea cercopitheci,
5 Dimidio magicæ resonant ubi Memnone chordæ

1. Egyptiorum morem quis ignorat? quorum imbutæ mentes pravitatis erroribus quamvis carnificinam prius subierint, quam ibim aut aspidem aut felem aut canem aut crocodilum violent; quorum etiam si imprudentes quidpiam fecerint, panam nullam recusent ; Cic. T. Q. v. 27. Antiphanes, Anaxandrides, and 'Timocles have ridiculed these same superstitions: Ath. vii. 13. R.

Volusius was not an uncommon name. R. Plutarch wrote a little book gos Biluvinòv wigi Çıxías Suid. This perhaps is the same person. VL.

Bithynia, (Strabo xii. LU.) on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, was colonized by a Thracian tribe; previously to which the country was called Bebrycia. Her. i. 28, notes.

2. Omne fere genus bestiarum consecrarunt Egyptii; Cic. N. D. iii. 39. Strabo xvii. Diodor. ii. 4. Her. ii. 65-76. PR. Philo J. de Decal. LU. omnigenûm deum monstra; Virg. E. viii. 698. portentificas animalium figuras; Lact. de Or. Err. ii. 14. horrificos quos prodigialia cogunt credere monstra deos; Prud. c. Symm. i. Egyptia illa non numina sed portenta; M. Fel. Oct. p. 236. v dis τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἔλθῃς, τότε δὴ τότε ὄψει πολλὰ τὰ σεμνὰ καὶ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἄξια τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, κριο πρόσωπον μὲν τὸν Δία κυνοπρόσ ωπον δὲ τὸν βέλτιστον Ἑρμῆν, καὶ τὸν Πᾶνα ὅλον τράγον, καὶ ἔβιν τινὰ, καὶ κρικόδειλον ἕτερον, καὶ πίθηκον, κ. τ. λ. Luc. de Sacrif. 14 sq. India worshipped similar monsters: nor was the worship of animals unknown at Rome; where the sacred rites of Egypt had gained a footing. Luc. viii. 832 sqq. cf. also Lucian de Astrol. 5--7. Cic. N. D. i. 36. JB, Panth. Ægypt. iv. 4. and prol. p. 19–23. 83-87. R.

Among the ancient authors who have written on the crocodile,' may be mentioned, P. Mela i. LU. Æl. H. A. x. 21 sq. 24. xii. 38. Her. ii. 68 sqq. Plin. viii. 25 s 38. xxviii. 3 s 6. Diodor. ii. 4. Sen. N. Q. iv. 2. PR. Max. Tyr. Diss. xxxix. p. 456. R.

[ocr errors]

3. Hec. τοῖσι μὲν δὴ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἱροί εἰσι οἱ κροκόδειλοι τοῖσι δ ̓ οὔ, ἀλλ ̓ ἅτε πολεμίους περιέπουσι. οἱ δὲ περί τε Θήβας καὶ τὴν Μοίριος λίμνην οἰκέοντες, καὶ κάρτα ἥγηνται αὐτοὺς εἶναι ἱρούς. . . οἱ δὲ περὶ Ελεφαντίνην πόλιν οἰκέοντες, καὶ ἐσθίουσι αὐτοὺς, οὐκ ἡγεόμενοι ἱροὺς εἶναι· Her. ii. 69. PR.

Regards with religious awe:' SCH. fear being the chief ingredient in supersti

tion. R.

Ipsi qui irridentur Egyptii nullam beluam, nisi ob aliquam utilitatem quam ex ea caperent, consecraverunt; velut ibes maximam vim serpentium conficiunt ; quum sint aves excelsæ, cruribus rigidis, eorneo proceroque rostro: avertunt pestem ab Egypto, quum volucres angues ex vastitate Libya vento Africo invectas interficiunt atque consumunt; ex quo fit, ut illæ nec morsu vivæ noceant nec odore mortuæ ; Cic. N. D. i. 36. VS. cf. Ov. Ib. Plin. x. 28 s 40. 30. viii. 27. Diodor. i. SCH. Id. ii. 4. Her. ii. 75 sq. Plut. Is. and Os. fin. PR. P. Mela iii. 8. Solin. 34. JB, Panth. Æg. v. 5. Æl. H. A. x. 21. 24. R.

4. Simiæ caudis inter se distinguuntur; Plin. viii. 54. The ape' has no tail, the baboon' a short one, the monkey' a long one: κίρκος ' a tail, πίθηκος * an ape. PR. M. Monkeys' were worshipped at Memnonium in Arabia: Solin. BRI. The simia cynocephalus (Plin. viii. 21 & 30.) was held sacred in Egypt. P. GR. Is this the hamadryas or i dogfaced baboon,' which is found in the torrid regions of Africa, and of which the tail is nearly as long as the body?

5. In the temple of Serapis at Thebes, Plin. xxxvi. 7s 11. was a colossal figure of Memnon, of black marble and in a sitting posture. rò äyaλμa náðntai ts xui ἀνὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν ἀνίσχοντος ἡλίου βοᾷ. καὶ τὸν ἦχον μάλιστα εἰκάσει τις κιθάρας ἢ Augas paysions xogons Pausan. i. 42. This was said to yield a sound, like that of a harp, when the rays of the rising sun fell upon it. It was also said that the sound was cheerful in the morning, and melancholy at sunset, resembling a plain

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

Atque vetus Thebe centum jacet obruta portis.
Illic cæruleos, hic piscem fluminis, illic
Oppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam.
Porrum et cæpe nefas violare et frangere morsu.
Menth

damage

By fabling Nilus, at the potent touch Of morning utter'd from its inmost frame Unbidden music." G. c. AEMILIVS HORA

PRIMA SEMIS AVDIVI VOCEM MEMNONIS.

cf. Inscr. Lat. N. 517–524. OR.

6. Thebes boasted of being founded by Bacchus or Busiris. Diod. ii. init. By its hundred gates,' it is distinguished from the Boeotian Thebes, which had but seven. xiii. 27. LU. Plin. xxxvi. 9 s 14, 2. Her. ii. PR. Diod. i. 45. Onßa AiyúrTial inatóμTudor Hom. II. 1 383. (KP.) P. Mela i. 9. Tac. A. ii. 60. Strab. xvii. p. 816. R.

[ocr errors]

7. Caruleos i. e. pisces fish of the sea;' as opposed to the fish of the Nile. GR. JS. We have no authority, however, for supposing that the former were worshipped in Egypt. P. For piscem one ms. has pisces, which is better: vouilouri xai πάντων ἰχθύων τὴν καλεύμενον λεπιδωτὸν, ἱρὸν εἶναι, καὶ τὴν ἔγχελυν· ἱροὺς δὲ τούτους τοῦ Νείλου φασὶ εἶναι· Her. ii. 72. BRO, conjectured aluros: cf. Gel. xx. 8. Hyg. Astr. ii. 28. (MUN.) ¿xayrara, oi aííλουροι ἀποθανόντες ἐς ἱρὰς στέγας, ἔνθα θάπτονται ταριχευθέντες ἐν Βουβάστε πόλι Her. ii. 67. T. Ath. Strab. xvii. p. 812. Plut. Is. Os. p. 376. Diod. i sq. JB, Panth. Æg. III. iii. 3 sqq. PR. R. This emendation is also approved of by LN. SR. PL. WB. OR.

tive human voice. Callist. Stat. i. p. 891. ix. p. 901. According to some the statue was broken in halves by an earthquake; Strab. xvii. p. 1170 sq. others set it down as one of the frantic impieties of Cambyses. Memnon, the son of Aurora and Tithomus, is symbolical of the sun. Philostr. Icon. i. 7. in Her. 4. V. Ap. vi. 3 sq, Tac. A. ii. 61. Luc. Tox. 27. Virg. Æ. i. exc. xix. xxvi. and Apoll. III. xii. 4. (HY.) VS. LU. JD. RH. JB. R. The upper part of this statue has been covered by the sand for many ages: it is that part which yet remains on its pedestal, which performs the wonders mentioned by so many travellers, who have perpetuated their credulity on the spot by inscribing their names on the stone. One man, indeed, of high respectability, bears a kind of testimony to the common report of a sound proceeding, not from the harp' of Memnon (for there never was any such thing), but from the statue. Strabo says he heard a sound; but whether it came from the colossus itself, or the base, or from some one of the numerous standers by, he could not tell. "Indeed," adds be, "6 one would be inclined to suppose almost any thing, rather than to believe stones, however disposed, capable of producing a sound.' Germanicus too, according to Tacitus, was indulged with the same favour. If he listened with patience to the nonsense first read to him by the priests, he was not unworthy of it. Even Savary, who saw nothing but prodigies in Egypt, treats this foolish affair as an artifice of the priests. The sound probably proceeded (as De Pauw thinks) from an excavation near the plinth, the sides of which might be struck, at a concerted moment, with a bar of sonorous metal. The fiction however does very well in poetry: "As Memnon's marble harp, renown'd of old By fabling Nilus, to the same with the Diana of the Romans: or quivering touch Of Titan's ray, with (3) the sacred rites of this goddess, which each repulsive string Consenting, sounded Herodotus describes, might have fallen through the warbling air Unbidden into disuse, as we do not find them ever strains;" Pleas. of Imag. On discover- spoken of; and Strabo merely names the ing his mistake respecting the harp, city, but does not mention having visited Akenside altered the passage thus: As the temple. JB. Memnon's marble form, renown'd of old

[ocr errors]

8. Cf. vi. 534, note. Lact. de F. Sap. v. 20. LU. Diod. ii. 4. PR. xuväv xóλis, Αἰγυπτία πόλις, ἐν ᾗ πόλει ὁ ̓Ανουβις parar Steph. de Urb. R.

[ocr errors]

Diana' i. e. the goddess of hunting and hounds.' Yet this deity was worshipped under the name of Bubastis; Her. ii. 156. 59. LU. But either (1) our author may mean There are whole towns which worship a dog, in which there is not a single worshipper of Diana :' or (2) he may consider that Bubastis, the symbol of the new moon, was not the

9. Cf. Plin. xix. 6 s 32. (HA.) Diod.

10 O sanctas gentes, quibus hæc nascuntur in hortis
Numina! Lanatis animalibus abstinet omnis
རྣལ བ ན

VOL

Mensa. Nefas illic fetum jugulare capella:
Carnibus humanis vesci licet. Attonito quum
Tale super cœnam facinus narraret Ulixes
15 Alcinoo, bilem aut risum fortasse quibusdam
Moverat, ut mendax aretalogus. "In mare nemo
Hunc abicit, sæva dignum veraque Charybdi,
**Fingentem immanes Læstrygonas atque Cyclopas?
Nam citius Scyllam vel concurrentia saxa

ii. 4. Plut. Is. Os. LU. Gell. xx. 7. PR. On the other hand see Numbers xi. 5. Her. ii. 125. G.

[ocr errors]

11. Cf. Diod. ii. 4. LU. Her. ii. 42. Strab. xvii. p. 559. Luc. de Astr. 7. The Theban Jupiter, or Ammon, was represented by the ram. JB, Panth. Æg. i. 3. ii. 2. R.

12. Cf. Her. ii 46. Mavòng Tòv Пäva τιμῶσι καὶ τὸν τράγον Steph. R. See PT, on Levit. xvi. 8.

13. Cf. Diod. ii. 4. PR. 14. Cf. Hom. Od. 1 106-125. 180542. K 80-132. LU.

15. To some of those at table.' VS. Alcinous, king of Phæacia. LU. cf. v. 151, note.

[ocr errors]

16. Inter coenandum aut acroamata et histriones aut etiam triviales e circo ludios interponebat ac frequentissime aretalogos; Suet. Aug. 74. (ER.) i. e. parasitic philosophers,' who discourse on the nature of virtue at the banquets of the great; from gr and Aiys. circulatores philosophos; Sen. Ep. 29. cf. Ath. vi. 9. CAS. Aus. ii. 5. (JS.) FA. ‹ A romancer.' Vopisc. Aur. 42. (SA.) F. A braggadocio captain,' D. like that in Plautus, M. G. ȧgxnyòs dì aurois (i. e. to Ctesias and Iambulus, in whose histories are many fables) καὶ διδάσκαλος τῆς τοιαύτης βωμο λοχίας ὁ τῶν Ὁμήρου Οδυσσεὺς τοῖς περὶ τὸν ̓Αλκίνοον διηγούμενος ἀνέμων τε δουλείαν καὶ μονοφθάλμους καὶ ὠμοφάγους και ἀγρίους τινὰς ἀνθρώπους. ἔτι δὲ πολυκέφαλα ζῶα καὶ τὰς ὑπὸ φαρμάκων τῶν ἑταίρων μεταβολὰς, οἷα πολλὰ ἐκεῖνος πρὸς ἰδιώτας Tous Paianas irigarsúraro Luc. de V. Hist. i. 3. A Rodomaut.' R.

[ocr errors]

17. Abicit for abjicit. M. The other compounds of jacio are often subjected to a similar change, for sake of the metre. Gell. iv. 17. Quint. I. iv. 11. (SPA.)

Tib. I. viii. 54. (BK. HY.) Fulgent. ii.
4. iii. 6. (MUN.) Flor. I. x. 5. (DU.)
R. [Livy xxiii, 34, 1; xxiv, 31, c; 40,
8; (CR.) xxvii. 4, 10. ED.]

A savage Charybdis' (Hom. Od. M
73 sqq. 101 sqq. 235 sqq. R. v. 102. PR.)
and a real one; not a mere creature of
the fancy, such as he has been romancing
about.' åxará¥ivros· Her. iv. 191.

4

18. Cogitemus in medio terrarum orbe, in Sicilia atque Italia homines hujus monstri Cyclopas et Læstrygonas, qui corporibus humanis vescerentur; Plin. vii. 2. Formia (now Mola' in Terra di Lavoro) antiquæ Læstrygonum sedes; Id. iii. 5. cf. ix. 64. PR. Call. H. Dian. 67. (SP.) Hor. III Od. xvi. 34. xvii. 1-9. (MI.) Tib. IV. i. 59. and Virg. Æ. vii. exc. i. E. i. 201. iii. 582 sqq. (HY.) R.

19. Scylla, a sea-monster, fabled to reside among the formidable rocks opposite Charybdis, in the straits of Messina. quid loquar, ut Scyllam Nisi, quam fama secuta est, candida succinctam latrantibus inguina monstris, Dulichias vexâsse rates, et gurgite in alto, ah! timidos nautas canibus lacerâsse marinis,-narraverit? Virg. E. vi. 74 sqq. Ov. M. xiii. sq. PR. Hom. Od. M 73-100. R.

[ocr errors]

These clashing rocks' were at the opening of the Thracian Bosporus into the Euxine. Plin. iv. 13 s 27. FA. Κυάνεαι agrees with πέτραι understood ; they were so called from the deep blue colour of the sea: Schol. on Apoll. Rh. i. 318. They are said to have become stationary after the passage of the Argo : ib. 309 sqq. The origin of the fable has been variously accounted for. cf. Strab. iii. p. 149. vii. p. 319. Pliny; and Apollod. I. ix. 22. (HY.) Homer places these rocks in the Sicilian sea: Öd. M 55 sqq. R. They are now called Pavo

[ocr errors]
« PredošláPokračovať »