that this engagement took place on the banks of the Stour to the north of Canterbury, towards Sturry or Fordwich; while others conjecture that it was on the banks of a rivulet below Barham Downs; one or two other spots in the vicinity of Canterbury have been also mentioned. Mr. Lewin's theory is, that the landing having been effected near Hythe, Cæsar leaving the great forest to his left, marched along the border of it in a more open country to Wye on the Stour, and then crossing the river drove the Britons from their stockade into the wood at Challock on the opposite hill. While the Astronomer Royal insists, in favour of his theory, that the march was from Pevensey to Robertsbridge in Sussex, that the river was the Rother, and that in this march Cæsar would have the great forest on his left, and on his right only a partially wooded country. Mr. Hussey, though preferring the vicinity of St. Leonards to Pevensey for the landing, agrees with the Astronomer Royal that the battle fought immediately after Cæsar's second arrival was on the banks of the Rother, and in all probability at Robertsbridge.* Mr. Appach is of opinion that the whole of the 22,500 infantry and 2,000 cavalry were landed in the Bay of Appledore, the ground for the camp selected being between Hamstreet and Kennardington, where there are the remains of some fortifications; but these fortifications, it has been conjectured, were constructed by the Danes. Mr. Lewin says that Canterbury was then as at present the capital of Kent, and that the British troops retreated in that direction. Mr. Appach agrees with the view of Mr. Lewin, and defines the line of march, namely, through the gap in the chalk downs to the north of Ashford through which the river Stour flows. Neither of these writers gives any authority for arriving at this conclusion, except * I think neither the Astronomer Royal nor Mr. Hussey refers to the British road leading from Pevensey (Anderida Portus) through Eastbourne, Wadhurst, &c., and so on to London, which was called Ermyn Street. CHAP. II. CHAP. II. that according to Mr. Lewin the bluff headland of chalk which overlooks the Stour and lies between Wye and the Earl of Winchilsea's seat and is covered with a dense wood, agrees with Cæsar's description of the British position, while the distance of that site from Lympne (the landing-place which Mr. Lewin contends for), answers very well to the twelve miles assigned by Cæsar as the distance of the projecting eminence occupied by the Britons from the scene of the debarkation. Both describe the night march; and whether it was at Wye, or on the north-eastern side of Canterbury, or in Sussex, it is certain that the assault directed by Cassivellaunus was made, and that the Britons were repulsed and sued for peace. With all the valour of the Britons the contest was an unequal one: genius and science asserted their usual superiority. Nearly 2,000 years have since elapsed, and the recent successful, but most costly, Abyssinian expedition, serves to confirm this truth. Having now brought under notice the opinions of several writers of talent, who all differ on this (to us men of Kent) important question, I must not pursue this interesting subject further. We are not likely to get nearer the truth. Having devoted some little time to the consideration of it, I can but think that the weight of testimony strongly preponderates in favour of Kent. Cæsar himself remarks that Kent was the common landing place for vessels from Gaul. If he had landed elsewhere, would he not have mentioned it, and given his reason? Again, the fact that the four Kentish princes received orders from Cassivellaunus to assault the Roman camp when the ships were at anchor, strongly favours the presumption that the landing was in Kent. Assuming it was so, the difficulty increases when the precise spot is to be selected; and it is not now likely to be unravelled. I would add in conclusion that Mr. Lewin has to my mind established a prima facie case in favour of his theory, not only as to the county, but also as to the place of debarkation. CHAPTER III. OCCUPATION OF BRITAIN BY THE ROMANS. E now know that the Britons were far more civilized CHAP. III. Wand wealthy than Caesar describes them, so that they Evans on the Coins of the had even a gold coinage at least a century before his coming; but the people of his time believed that he had been misled tons, p. 26. with the report of the pearls, gold, silver, and other riches of the country. Cicero in writing to Atticus says, "There is not in the island so much as one scruple of silver; nor any hope of booty but in slaves.” to Rome. Cæsar accepted the hostages offered to him, fixed the Caesar's return annual tribute to be paid by the inhabitants without appointing any officers to collect it, embarked his men about the 21st September in the same year, returned to Gaul, and never set foot in Britain again. His success was certainly not such as to induce him to attempt the permanent reduction of the whole island, and the truth of his own triumphal statements is called in question by several writers: one of them is so plain-spoken as to observe, that Cæsar wrote his Commentaries with little care, and no great regard to truth. Thus Cæsar did not remain in Britain more than two months, and he could not have advanced far into the interior before hostilities ceased. His progress was first checked by a storm which scattered his fleet, and caused him to return to the camp; and the marching of troops in those days was very different from our present movements by rail. Again, the opinions of historians are divided as to the progress he made through the country. It is very с CHAP. III. 44 B.C. 30B.C. to 41A.D. The Emperor A.D. 41 to 54. questionable whether he advanced farther than Hertfordshire and Essex. Be this as it may, his means of arriving at a correct knowledge of the country he had invaded must have been somewhat limited. The next winter he went to Rome and offered to Venus, from whom he boasted he was descended, a corslet set with British pearls, as a thanksgiving for his conquest. Cæsar became dictator for life, accomplished the reformation of the calendar, and formed the plan of a new legal code; but his earthly career was cut short by assassination, after having fought as many pitched battles as there are weeks in the year. A civil war followed, which ended in placing Augustus at the head of the Roman world, and thus terminated the Roman Republic, and with it the spirit of ancient Rome; for it has been truly said, that its moral greatness departed, and freedom, which can only be based on virtue, perished. During the reign of the first three emperors, Augustus, Tiberius, and Caligula, the Romans made but little progress in subduing the Britons, who, we are quaintly told, lived at their own disposal, and were governed by their own kings. In short, Britain was forgotten, and it was not until nearly a century after the first invasion that the Romans really became masters of the island, and made it a tributary province. Claudius was then Emperor of Rome, and Caractacus and Togodumnus ruled in Britain, when certain conspirators fled to Rome and sought the interference of the emperor, who, when appealed to, declined to deliver them up. The Britons, in return, refused to continue the payment of their usual tribute, and put an end to all commercial intercourse with Rome. At this time the Roman armies maintained their old superiority, and Claudius, rejoicing in a pretext for war, sent Aulus Plautius and Vespasian, then in Gaul, with an army into Britain. Two engagements followed, in both of which the Britons were defeated; and shortly afterwards Claudius himself, anxious to reap the harvest of glory which his generals had sown, left Rome for Britain; and in order to strike terror among the inhabitants, he took with him several elephants. He found the country still inhabited by a multitude of tribes in a state of lawless independence, and the names of more than forty of these tribes have been preserved. The southern part of Britain apparently made no resistance; but Claudius did not remain in the island more than sixteen days; and having appointed Plautius governor, he directed him to complete the conquest, which it is said he did so effectually that Seneca wrote thus: "Claudius might make his boast that he first vanquished the Britons, for Julius Cæsar only shewed them to the Romans." CHAP. III. Passing over Nero, and Galba, and the tremendous slaughter from an insurrection of the subdued tribes under Queen Boadicea, and the cruel tortures practised in that barbarous age, we find Vespasian (who fought with distinc. A.D. €9. tion in Britain, and had thirty-two engagements with the enemy) proclaimed emperor, when he gave the command or proprætorship of Britain to Agricola, who appears to have Agricola. held it during the short reigns of Vespasian and his son Titus, and the early part of the reign of Domitian. On his arrival in Britain we are told by Tacitus that he found the Roman soldiers careless and secure, whilst the enemy was watching for an opportunity. Having first subdued the inhabitants, he next shewed them the allurements of peace and redressed their grievances. Tacitus says that not one of the forts built by Agricola was ever carried by storm, surrendered, or abandoned whilst he remained in command. It was during the rule of Agricola that Wales and Roman OccuScotland were conquered and became tributary provinces pation, A.D. 54 of Rome, but they were not long retained. Domitian, from motives of jealousy, recalled Agricola, who had done more to extend the Roman power in Britain and to reconcile the inhabitants to the Roman government than any of his predecessors. Kent appears after a time to have submitted quietly to the Roman yoke; and it became a peaceful province, as is testified by the many remains of Roman villas that are to 85. |