GENERAL ORATORY.

EDUCATION IN SCOTLAND.

Ir I had wanted an instance at any time to convince me of the advantage of national education, I should have always referred to that country of which I am just now a guest. It has been my lot, as it has also probably been that of the great majority of those present, to have found myself in many distant lands. I have not been in any one without finding a Scotchman, and I have never found a Scotchman who was not at the head of the poll. I have found them always prospering and always thriving, often the confidential advisers of highest position, even of rulers of state; and though I myself am inclined to attribute much to organisation and to race, I am bound to say I never met a Scotchman yet, even if he was the confidential adviser of a Pasha, who did not tell me that he owed his rise to his parish school. Under these circumstances, you will not suppose for a moment that I at all depreciate the system of your national education, but I think that no person who has candidly and completely examined its details but must acknowledge that, though the principles upon which it is founded are admirable, the application of these principles is not sufficiently complete and extensive. I am bound to say that, since the report of the Commission upon the subject of your schools was made, it has

been considered by the Government; and I hope that in this session we shall bring forward a measure upon national education which will be successful and pass the Legislature. And if we can get you a good Reform Bill and a good Education Bill, I think you will remember the last year of the old Parliament with feelings of softness and regard. Gentlemen, I may be allowed to say one word upon the subject of education generally, not merely with reference to Scotland, but because it now entirely occupies the attention of the public. I think myself that the issue that has been raised is in a certain sense a false issue; but as it touches very great principles, and the character of the nation, I must say myself that I do not believe that in this United Kingdom any monotonous form of education, founded upon a compulsory principle, and forcing every part of the country to adopt the same system, can be successful. I am not prepared at this moment to believe that the same system ought to be extended to every part of her Majesty's dominions; and I am not prepared to admit that the British nation generally is an uneducated nation. On the contrary, so far as our primary education is concerned, no doubt the multiplicity of our occupations and the value of labour have prevented that complete education in a primary sense that is to be desired; but if you look even to your primary education, as compared with the primary education of other countries, for the last thirty years, though it may not reach in some points the alleged point other points have accomplished, still, as a whole, during these thirty years, the advance in England has been great. But I deny that the education of the people of England depends upon our system of primary education. I am talking now of the general population. I say that the technical education of the English artisan, especially

since what I may describe as the Albertine movement took place-since Prince Albert laid down those principles and dogmas which have been carried into such felicitous effect, since the Albertine movement took place the technical education of England has been immensely improved; but if you come to mere secular education, there is an influence prevalent in England which exists in no other country, and which forms in a very great degree the character, and influences the conduct, of the English people, and that is the influence of a free press. That influence is never considered. The press of this country, conducted by whatever party, is, on the whole, conducted with great knowledge, with great intelligence, and with a high moral feeling. That press imparts a secular education to the people of this country which none of the boasted climes, which are brought forward as models which we cannot rival, or which we ought to make great efforts to equal, can for a moment compete. I do not care what may be the opinion or feeling of those who conduct the press of this country. It is immaterial to me whether the persons are animated by a high moral feeling or not; but this is quite clear, they cannot successfully direct their labour to any great class in this country, unless they give that class credit for that high moral feeling. It is, therefore, without indulging in any cant upon the subject, I say the condition of our press, with their knowledge, general intelligence, and moral feeling, cannot easily be excelled. say that is a proof of the sound condition of the country in a very extensive class, and of the process of a secular education which is at present going on.

I

BENJAMIN DISRAELI.

THE EDUCATION OF THE WORKING

CLASSES.

It seems to me that whatever we may do in Parliament with reference to the conferring upon vast numbers of the working classes and the small householders the right of voting, we ought to take care to do what we hitherto have not done that is, we ought to see that those persons are tolerably educated, that they go to school in early life, and that they at least know something of the three R'sreading, writing, and 'rithmetic. I do not think that it is too much to ask that this should be done. Certainly hitherto that task has not been satisfactorily performed. The education of those who cannot well afford to pay for it is, I consider, a very serious matter. It has always seemed to me a very great injustice that we make our laws fall so heavily upon those who commit offences, while we do not teach them in early youth the way in which they may avoid the committal of these offences. I remember that during the early inquiries which I made respecting the education of this country, a story used to be told of a boy, who I think, it was said, lived in Derbyshire. It was related of this boy that he was found putting down snares for the purpose of catching hares. The boy was imprisoned for the offence, and the chaplain of the prison came to him and inquired what he had been doing previously. The chaplain found out that the boy had never heard of Jesus Christ, or of the Bible, and stated that he had been employed as an agricultural labourer six days in the week, and that on the Sunday he used to be engaged cleaning horses. As far as the knowledge of the Christian religion went, the little fellow was certainly ignorant. It seems to

case,

me to be a great injustice that in this country, where we have the means for opening schools, we employ all the rigours of imprisonment against those who break through the laws, and not give them the knowledge whereby they may be enabled to avoid those offences. Such being the I have always been in favour of the British schools, because they are schools for all, as William Allen used to say. It was absolutely necessary that these schools should be in their nature secular, but they should be religious. The religious teaching given in these schools should not, however, be of a sectarian character. It was no doubt desired that the children should learn the particular form of doctrine to which their parents were attached, and which was most consistent with their feelings. But while they are young boys and girls at school, they ought to be made to know what Christ has taught and what the apostles have preached, for by these precepts will they be enabled to properly guide their conduct through life. I am sorry to be obliged to have to say that there are many countries in Europe in which public instruction has not been provided for. But we have in this country what, I trust, we shall never part with. In this country those boys and girls who receive education in British schools are fully at liberty to follow their own conscientious convictions, and to speak and write, without fear of punishment, what they believe to be true and good. I am happy that such excellent schools as these are established, and I trust that those who have charge of them will attend as much to the health of the children as to their intellectual instruction. I trust that those in whose charge these children are will do all in their power to promote their well-being, not alone, as I have said, with regard to their mental culture, but also their health. EARL RUSSELL.