This ecclesiastical schemer had not travelled. Besides, his work swarms with anachronisms and errors. As he makes Cardinal Richelieu speak what he never did speak, so his signature is no less different from that of the cardinal. Farther, he fills a whole chapter with saying, that" reason "is to be the rule of a state;" and in labouring to prove such a notable discovery. This work of darkness, this bantling of the abbe Bourzeis passed a long time for Cardinal Richelieu's legiti mate offspring, and all the academicians in their inauguration speeches never failed to pour forth the most excessive eulogiums on this masterpiece of policy.

One St. Gratien de Courtils, seeing the great success of Cardinal Richelieu's Political Legacy, fell to writing Colbert's Legacy, with a fine letter to the king: whereas had that minister drawn up such will, he ought to have been declared NON COMPOS; yet have some authors thought fit to quote this composition. Another starveling, too mean to be known, published Louvois's Will, which, if such a thing could be, was still worse than Colbert's; and by the fertile brain of one Abbé de Chevremont, Duke Charles of Lorrain likewise had his Will. We have also had the political testaments of Cardinal Alberoni, Marshal Belleisle, and lastly, that of Mandrin.

M. de Boisguilebert, author of le Detail de la France, printed in 1695, troubled the public with the impracticable project of the regal tenths, under the name of Marshal Vauban.

One Jonchere, a crazy fellow who had not bread to eat, met with a bookseller who published a scheme of his on the finances in four volumes; and some blockheads have quoted

this production as a work of the treasurer-geheral, on a notion that a book of finances, written by a treasurer, must be a choice piece.

It must, however, be owned that very wise men, and men perhaps every way qualified for government, have in France, in Spain, and in England, written on political administration. And great good have their books done; not that they have amended the ministers who were in place when those books came out; for a mi nister never amends, there is no changing him, he has taken his bent; and for informations and counsels, the stream of business carries himm away so as not to leave leisure to listen to them: but young persons designed for employments, and princes themselves are instructed by these good books; and thus the second generation reaps the benefit of them..

The advantages and disadvantages of all governments have of late been closely canvassed. Now you who have travelled, and read, and seen a great deal, pray in which state, and under what form of government would you chuse to be born? I fancy a French nobleman with a large landed estate would not be sorry to have been born in Germany, as there, instead of being a subject, he would be a sovereign, A peer of France doubtless would be very glad to have the privileges of the English peerage, as raising him to a share in the legislature.

For the lawyer and the financier, France is the country which of all others brings the most grist to their mill.

But what country would a wise man, of a free turn of mind, unprejudiced, and of a middling fortune, make choice of? G

A mem

A member of the council of Pondicherry, a gentleman of some learning, was returning into Europe over land, in company with a Bramin, who knew more than most of his brethren. How do you like the Grand Mogul's government, said the counsellor? Nothing more abominable, answered the Bramin; but how can a state be well governed by Tartars? If our Rayas, our Omrahs, our Nabobs, are entirely satisfied and easy; it is otherwise with the people, and millions of people are something.

The counsellor and the Bramin traversed all Upper Asia, amidst political conversations. An observation occurs to me, said the Bramin, that all this vast part of the world does not afford one republic. Here was, anciently, that of Tyre, said the counsellor, but it did not continue long: then there was another towards Arabia Petrea, in a small nook called Palestine, if the honourable appellation of republic may be given to a tribe of robbers and usurers, sometimes governed by judges, sometimes by a sort of kings, some times by high-priests, subdued and enslaved seven or eight times, and, at last, driven out of the country which it had usurped.

I apprehend, said the Bramin, that republics are very scarce in all parts; it is but seldom that men deserve to govern themselves. This happiness must belong only to small nations, concealing themselves in islands,or amidst mountains, like rabbits shunning carnivorous beasts, but at length discovered and devoured.

The two travellers being come into Asia Mi nor, the counsellor said to the Bramin, Could you think there had ever been a republic in a corner of Italy, which subsisted above five hun

dred years, and made itself mistress of this Asia Minor, Asia, Africa, Greece, the Gauls,. Spain, and all Italy? I dare say it soon became changed to a monarchy, said the Bramin. Very right, said the other; but that monarchy is long since come to nothing, and every day fine dissertations are composed to find out the causes of its declension and catastrophe. You give yourselves a deal of needless trouble, said the Indian ; that empire fell because it existed: every thing will fall; I hope in God the empire of the Great Mogul will one day have its fall.

you

Now we are upon this head, said the European, do think honour is most necessary in a monarchy, and virtue in a republic? The Indian, after the meaning of the word honour had, at his desire, been explained to him, answered that honour was of greater necessity in a republic and virtue in a monarchy: For, says he, a man who sets up to be chosen by the people will not be chosen, if he be reputed a man of no honour; whereas at court he may easily insinuate himself into a post, according to the maxim of a great prince, that a courtier to make his fortune should be without honour or pride. As to virtue, an immense deal of it is requisite to dare speak truth at court; a virtuous man is much more at ease in a republic; there's nobody to flatter.

It is your opinion, said the native of Europe, that the laws and religions are made for the climates, as furs suit Moscow, and gauze stuffs Delly? To be sure, said the Bramin, all laws relative to the human constitution are calculated for the climate where one lives; one wife will

do

do for a German, a Persian must have three or four.

It is the same with religious rites. Were I a Christian, how could I say mass in my province, which affords neither bread nor wine? As to articles of faith, that's another case; in these the climate is out of the question. Did not your religion commence in Asia, from whence it has been expelled? and again, is it not established about the Baltic Sea, where it was once unknown?

In what state, under what government should you like best to live? said the counsellor. Any where but in my own country, said his companion; and many Siamese, Tonquinese, Persians, and Turks have I met with, who said the very same thing. But tell me, in what particular state you would preferably like to spend your days. The Bramin answered, In that where obedience is paid only to the laws. old answer, said the counsellor. the worse for that, said the Bramin. is that country, said the Pondicherrian? It must be sought for, said the Bramin.

GRACE.

That's an And never But where

YE sacred counsellors of modern Rome, ye

illustrious and infallible theologists, no person has more respect for your decisions than myself; but were Paulus Emilius, Scipio, Cato, Cicero, Cæsar, Titus, Trajan, and Marcus Aurelius to revisit that Rome which they formerly raised to some consideration, you must own they would be a little staggered at your determinations concerning grace. What would they

N 3

say