the change was, that the yield of mercury was doubled, and its cost to the consumer correspondingly lowered.248

Such ignorance, pervading the whole nation, and extending to every department of life, is hardly conceivable, considering the immense advantages which the Spaniards had formerly enjoyed. It is particularly striking, when contrasted with the ability of the government, which, for more than eighty years, constantly laboured to improve the condition of the country. Early in the eighteenth century, Ripperda, in the hopes of stimulating Spanish industry, established a large woollen manufactory at Segovia, which had once been a busy and prosperous city. But the commonest processes had now been forgotten; and he was obliged to import manufacturers from Holland, to teach the Spaniards how to make up the wool, though that was an art for which in better days they had been especially famous.249 In 1757, Wall, who was then minister, constructed, upon a still larger scale, a similar manufactory at Guadalajara in New Castile. Soon, however, something went wrong with the machinery; and as the Spaniards neither knew nor cared any thing about these matters, it was necessary to send to England for a workman to put it right.250 At length the advisers of Charles III., despairing of rousing the people by ordinary means, devised a more comprehensive scheme, and invited thousands of foreign artizans to settle in Spain; trusting that their example, and the sud

248

"Encargado por el gobierno el laborioso extrangero Bowles de proponer los medios convenientes para beneficiar con mas acierto las famosas minas de azogue del Almaden, descubrió algunos nuevos procedimientos por medio de los cuales casi se duplicaron los productos de aquellas, y bajó una mitad el precio de los azogues." Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 117.

249 Memoirs of Ripperda, 2d ed., London, 1740, pp. 23, 62, 91, 104. "A ship arrived at Cadiz with fifty manufacturers on board, whom the Baron de Ripperda had drawn together in Holland." "The new manufactures at Segovia, which, though at this time wholly managed by foreigners, he wished, in the next age, might be carried on by the Spaniards themselves, and by them only."

250The minister, Wall, an Irishman, contrived to decoy over one Thomas Bevan, from Melksham, in Wiltshire, to set the machinery and matters to rights." Ford's Spain, London, 1847, p. 525.

denness of their influx, might invigorate this jaded nation.251 All was in vain. The spirit of the country was broken, and nothing could retrieve it. Among other attempts which were made, the formation of a National Bank was a favourite idea of politicians, who expected great things from an institution which was to extend credit, and make advances to persons engaged in business. But, though the design was executed, it entirely failed. in effecting its purpose. When the people are not enterprising, no effort of government can make them so. In a country like Spain, a great bank was an exotic, which might live with art, but could never thrive by nature. Indeed, both in its origin and in its completion, it was altogether foreign, having been first proposed by the Dutchman Ripperda, 252 and owing its final organization to the Frenchman Cabarrus. 253

In every thing, the same law prevailed. In diplomacy, the ablest men were not Spaniards, but foreigners; and during the eighteenth century, the strange spectacle was frequently exhibited, of Spain being represented by French, Italian, and even Irish ambassadors.25 Nothing

251 Ademas de la invitacion que se hizo á millares de operarios extrangeros para venir á establecerse en España," &c. Tapia, Civilizacion Espanola, vol. iv. pp. 112, 113. In 1768, Harris, who travelled from Pampeluna to Madrid, writes, "I did not observe a dozen men either at plough or any other kind of labour, on the road." Diaries and Correspondence of James Harris, Earl of Malmesbury, London, 1844, vol. i. p. 38.

232A national bank, a design originally suggested by Ripperda." Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 202.

258 Bourgoing, not aware of Ripperda's priority, says (Tableau de l'Espagne Moderne, vol. ii. p. 49), "L'idée de la banque nationale fut donnée au gouvernement par un banquier français, M. Cabarrus." Compare Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 122, 123: "Banco nacional de San Carlos; propúsolo Cabarrús, apoyólo Floridablanca, y sancionólo el Soberano por Real cedula de 2 de junio de 1782." This sounds well; but the inevitable catastrophe soon came. "Charles IV.,' says the Prince of the Peace, "had just ascended the throne; the bank of St. Carlos was rapidly falling, and on the verge of bankruptcy." Godoy's Memoirs, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 124.

254 "A Londres, à Stockholm, à Paris, à Vienne et à Venise, le souverain est représenté par des étrangers. Le prince de Masserano, Italien, ambassadeur en Angleterre; le comte de Lacy, Irlandais, ministre à Stockholm; le marquis de Grimaldi, ambassadeur en France, avant de parvenir au ministère; le comte de Mahoni, Irlandais, ambassadeur à Vienne; le marquis de Squilaci, ambassadeur à Venise, après sa retraite du ministère." Bour

.256

was indigenous; nothing was done by Spain herself. Philip V., who reigned from 1700 to 1746, and possessed immense power, always clung to the ideas of his own country, and was a Frenchman to the last. For thirty years after his death, the three most prominent names in Spanish politics were, Wall, who was born in France, of Irish parents;255 Grimaldi, who was a native of Genoa;2 and Esquilache, who was a native of Sicily.257 Esquilache administered the finances for several years; and, after enjoying the confidence of Charles III. to an extent rarely possessed by any minister, was only dismissed, in 1766, in consequence of the discontents of the people at the innovations introduced by this bold foreigner.258 Wall,

going, Tableau de l'Espagne, vol. ii. pp. 142, 143. To this, I may add, that, in the reign of Philip V., an Italian, the Marquis de Beretti Landi, was the representative of Spain in Switzerland, and afterwards at the Hague (Ripperda's Memoirs, 1740, pp. 37, 38); and that in, or just before, 1779, Lacy filled the same post at St. Petersburg. Malmesbury's Diaries and Correspondence, 1844, vol. i. p. 261. So, too, M. Rio (Historia de Carlos III, vol. i. pp. 288, 289) says of the important negotiations which took place in 1761, between Spain, England, and France, "Y así de las negociaciones en que Luis XV. trataba de enredar á Carlos III. quedaron absolutamente excluidos los españoles, como que por una parte las iban á seguir el duque de Choiseul y el marques de Ossun, franceses, y por otra el irlandés D. Ricardo Wall, y el genovés marques de Grimaldi.” About the same time, Clarke writes (in his Letters concerning the Spanish Nation, London, 1763, 4to, p. 331), "Spain has, for many years past, been under the direction of foreign ministers. Whether this hath been owing to want of capacity in the natives, or disinclination in the sovereign, I will not take upon me to say; such as it is, the native nobility lament it as a great calamity."

255 Lord Stanhope, generally well informed on Spanish affairs, says that Wall was "a native of Ireland." Mahon's History of England, vol. iv. p. 182, 3d edit., London, 1853; but in Mémoires de Noailles, vol. iv. p. 47, edit. Paris, 1829, he is called "irlandais d'origine, né en France.' See also Biografia de Ensenada, in Navarrete, Opúsculos, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. p. 26, D. Ricardo Wall, irlandés de origen, nacido en Francia." Swinburne, who knew him personally, and has given some account of him, does not mention where he was born. Swinburne's Travels through Spain, second edition, London, 1787, vol. i. pp. 314-318.

256A Genoese, and a creature of France." Dunham's History of Spain, vol. v. p. 170.

257

p. 244.

"Era siciliano." Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. i.

258 The fullest account of his dismissal is given by M. Rio, in the first chapter of the second volume of his Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., which should, however, be compared with Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. pp. 340-346. Coxe terms him Squilaci; but I follow the orthography of the Spanish writers, who always call him Esquilache. Such was

a much more remarkable man, was, in the absence of any good Spanish diplomatist, sent envoy to London in 1747; and after exercising great influence in matters of state, he was placed at the head of affairs in 1754, and remained supreme till 1763.259 When this eminent Irishman relinquished office, he was succeeded by the Genoese, Grimaldi, who ruled Spain from 1763 to 1777, and was entirely devoted to the French views of policy.260 His principal patron was Choiseul, who had imbued him with his own notions, and by whose advice he was chiefly guided.261 Indeed, Choiseul, who was then the first minister in France, used to boast, with exaggeration, but not without a considerable amount of truth, that his influence in Madrid was even greater than it was in Versailles, 262

However this may be, it is certain that four years after Grimaldi took office, the ascendency of France was exhibited in a remarkable way. Choiseul, who hated the Jesuits, and had just expelled them from France, endeavoured also to expel them from Spain.20 The execu

his influence over the King, that, according to Coxe (vol. iv. p. 347), Charles III. " publicly said, that, if he was reduced to a morsel of bread, he would divide it with Squilaci.'

259 Core's Kings of Spain, vol. iv. pp. 15, 135. Rio, Historia de Carlos III., vol. i. pp. 246, 247, 400, 401. Navarrete, Biografia de Ensenada, pp. 26-28.

260 He resigned in 1776, but held office till the arrival of his successor, Florida Blanca, in 1777. Rio, Historia de Carlos III., vol. iii. pp. 171, 174. In reference to his appointment, in 1763, M. Rio observes (vol. i. p. 402), "De que Grimaldi creciera en fortuna se pudo congratular no Roma, sino Francia." In 1770, Harris, the diplomatist, who was then in Spain, writes, "His doctrine is absolutely French; guided in every thing by the French closet," &c. Malmesbury's Diaries and Correspondence, vol. i. p. 56, London, 1844.

281 Guided in his operations by the counsels of Choiseul. ’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 339. The prosecution of the schemes which he had concerted with Choiseul." p. 373. "His friend and patron." p. 391, and vol. v. p. 6.

262 Personne n'ignoroit le crédit prodigieux que M. de Choiseul avoit sur le roi d'Espagne, dont il se vantoit lui-même, au point que je lui ai ouï dire, qu'il étoit plus sûr de sa prépondérance dans le cabinet de Madrid, que dans celui de Versailles." Mémoires du Baron de Besenval, écrits par lui-même, vol. ii. pp. 14, 15, Paris, 1805.

263 M. Muriel (Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III., Madrid, 1839, pp. 44, 45) terms their expulsion from Spain "este acto de violencia hecho mera

tion of the plan was confided to Aranda, who, though a Spaniard by birth, derived his intellectual culture from France, and had contracted, in the society of Paris, an intense hatred of every form of ecclesiastical power.264 The scheme, secretly prepared, was skilfully accomplished.265 In 1767, the Spanish government, without hearing what the Jesuits had to say in their defence, and, indeed, without giving them the least notice, suddenly ordered their expulsion; and with such animosity were they driven from the country, in which they sprung up, and had long been cherished, that not only was their wealth confiscated, and they themselves reduced to a wretched pittance, but even that was directed to be taken from them, if they published any thing in their own vindication; while it was also declared that whoever ventured to write respecting them, should, if he were a subject of Spain, be put to death, as one guilty of high treason.266

mente por complacer al duque de Choiseul, ministro de Francia y protector del partido filosófico." See also Crétineau-Joly, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, vol. v. p. 291, Paris, 1845; and Georgel, Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire des Evénemens depuis 1760, vol. i. p. 95, Paris, 1817.

264 Archdeacon Coxe, in a somewhat professional tone, says of Aranda, "In France he had acquired the graces of polished society, and imbibed that freedom of sentiment which then began to be fashionable, and has since been carried to such a dangerous excess." Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 402. His great enemy, the Prince of the Peace, wishing to be severe, unintentionally praises him; and observes, that he was I connected with the most distinguished literary Frenchmen of the middle of the last century," and that he was "divested of religious prejudices, though swayed by philosophical enthusiasm." Godoy's Memoirs, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 319. The hostility of some men is extremely valuable. The Prince further adds, that Aranda "could only lay claim to the inferior merit of a sectarian attachment;" forgetting that, in a country like Spain, every enlightened person must belong to a miserably small sect.

265 Cabarrus (Elogio de Carlos III., Madrid, 1789, 4to, p. xxiv.) says, rather magniloquently, "El acierto de la execucion que correspondió al pulso y prudencia con que se habia deliberado esta providencia importante, pasará á la ultima posteridad."

266 Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 362. M. Rio, in the second volume of his History of Charles III., Madrid, 1856, has given a long, but not very philosophical, nor very accurate, account of the expulsion of the Jesuits, which he considers solely from the Spanish point of view; overlooking the fact, that it was part of an European movement headed by France. He denies the influence of Choiseul, p. 125; censures the perfectly correct statement of Coxe, p. 123; and finally ascribes this great event to the operation of causes confined to the Peninsula. "De ser