It may be interesting to state that British exports consist chiefly of low-priced cotton goods, in the manufacture of which we greatly surpass the French, so that we may fairly hope that France's activity on the southern borders of China will provide us with increasing outlets for our trade.

I come now to the French possessions in West Africa. These annexations of France are of the very type which causes the most alarm to those who see in all foreign colonial activity a direct threat to British trade. They have been conducted on a huge scale. France has marked out for herself on the map of Africa' spheres of influence' which put completely in the shade the similar efforts of every other power except Great Britain. If she were to succeed in shutting out. the produce of British manufactures from territories so vast, it would undoubtedly be a great calamity. But does she? What story do the figures of our exports tell?

Value of Total British Exports to French West Africa

Approximate Value of France's Exports of her own Produce to French

West Africa

Looking first at the table of our own exports, it is clear that our trade is a growing one. The last quinquennial period shows an increase of 150 per cent. upon the second, and of nearly 100 per cent. upon the first. And the increase has taken place just in those articles which satisfy the wants of uncivilised peoples-cheap textiles-so that as the country is opened up and developed, we may look for the continuous expansion of our trade, so long as we maintain our present superiority in the manufacture of such articles. Comparing our exports with those of France to these her own territories, it will be seen that ours amount to about 30 per cent. of the value of hers, and that as hers increase, ours increase too, and in something like the same proportion. More than this we could hardly expect.

It cannot be denied, therefore, that in the case of all the recent annexations of France, British trade has been able to obtain a strong foothold, and that the prospects of future increase are decidedly promising.

The African possessions of Portugal, although not recently acquired, represent undeveloped territory similar in character to the French African colonies. Portugal has done very little for them. She is not a progressive power. It is only when her territory marches with that of some other European state that the commerce of her

colonies shows signs of vitality and growth. Even then it is probably due to foreign initiative and the employment of foreign capital. On the West Coast of Africa, where her territory is large, but where she is left more alone, our trade is valuable, but it does not grow rapidly. On the East Coast, where her colonies are contiguous with our own, trade shows far more vitality.

These are the figures of our exports:—

These figures represent a very considerable trade, and so far as Portugal's East African possessions are concerned, it is a rapidly growing trade. In the course of three quinquennial periods it has increased more than sixfold.

It is an interesting fact that our exports of purely British goods reach more than twice the value of Portugal's exports of her own domestic produce to these African colonies. Complete returns are not available, but a comparison can be made in this way. Taking the nine years from 1885 to 1893, the average annual value of British exports of British goods amounts to about 541,473l., while the annual average value of Portugal's exports of domestic goods amounts to 242,175l.

From all these figures, which I have given in the barest possible form, and the importance of which I have no desire to magnify, it is clear that Great Britain does most undoubtedly succeed in carrying on a large, a valuable, and an increasing export trade with the colonies of foreign powers, in spite of tariffs intended in many cases to discourage, if not to destroy, trade with other than the mother country. Of course it may be argued that if all this territory were in our own occupation our trade with it would be far greater than it actually is. That, no doubt, is true, but apart from the fact that we have already almost as much territory as we can for the moment effectively occupy and administer, we have to deal with the situation as it is. Foreign colonies are there. The desire for colonial extension on the part of foreign powers is increasing. We cannot stop it, if we would. What consolation, then, can we draw from our present commercial relations with foreign colonies? If the experience of the past fifteen

• For instance, I have only spoken of direct exports. Many British goods are sent by the powers themselves to their colonies. If these could be added they would strengthen the case I wish to present.

years is worth anything, it seems to me to prove that so far as the colonies of Spain, Holland, Portugal, and France are concerned, we have nothing to fear. Whatever their future may be, we shall participate in the fruits of their progress and prosperity. Their hostile tariffs may hamper our trade, they cannot destroy it. With a more liberal policy on their part we should have fairer opportunities and do a larger business; but accepting the situation as it is, we may set against our disabilities all those advantages to trade which arise when a civilised power creates a strong and orderly government among semi-civilised or barbarous peoples.

As a trading country, we possess certain superiorities over our rivals, which I think we are likely to retain for some time longer. I will only indicate one or two of them. Our financial position and the enormous loanable capital of which Great Britain disposes give us a power which it is difficult to exaggerate. We can offer loans for the development of foreign colonies, and for financing their business, upon terms which even the sternest patriotism can with difficulty resist. When once important enterprises in a country are in British hands, interests are created and trade follows. The influence of foreign loans upon our export trade is a subject which would amply repay investigation. Without dwelling upon it now, it may safely be said that the first effect of loans is to stimulate exports.

Another great advantage we possess lies in the fact that one of our chief superiorities as manufacturers consists in our power of producing on a large scale, and at very cheap rates, just those articles which are required to satisfy the demand or to assist in the development of uncivilised communities. We can turn out cheap textiles and good machinery at lower prices than either the French or the Dutch, the Spanish or the Portuguese. And so long as the demand of colonial markets is simple and elementary, as it must be in the case of such annexations as it is possible to make nowadays in Africa or elsewhere, so long will our superiority give us a good share of their trade. The French excel in the better qualities and in the more artistic forms of many textiles—in all those which minister to the more luxurious wants of mankind—but they find in their dealings with their own undeveloped possessions in Asia and in Africa that they are compelled to buy English cotton goods to satisfy the market.

I have spoken so far of our superiority to four only out of the five European colonising powers. I have purposely omitted to mention Germany. Many readers will think that to omit Germany in the discussion of any trade question is to omit the part of Hamlet from the play.

It does not come within the scope of this article to discuss the question of German rivalry. England and Germany will fight out their industrial battle in the markets of foreign colonies as elsewhere,

but they will fight it out under precisely the same conditions so far as the tariffs of these colonies are concerned. If foreign annexations are injurious to British trade, they are for exactly the same reasons injurious to German trade. If Germany contrives to carry on business with foreign colonies in spite of tariff walls, it is because she possesses certain advantages and superiorities similar to, but probably differing from, those which England possesses. The circumstances of the two countries as regards the foreign colonial trade are very much the same. At present both of them cultivate it in friendly rivalry with more or less success. Which will oust the other, or whether, as is far more likely, neither will oust the other, time alone can decide.

With regard to our trade with German colonies it is impossible to speak definitely. The annexations of Germany are very recent, and so far as one can judge her choice of 'spheres of influence' has not been very fortunate. Up to the present time she has been largely engaged in overcoming difficulties of administration, so that there has not been much favourable opportunity for the development of foreign trade, except in the older of her colonies.

If I might hazard an opinion it would certainly be that it is on the whole a fortunate thing for British trade that the area of possible German annexation which remains on the earth's surface is not very large. I think it possible that the tariff wall which would surround a large German colonial empire might be more effective than are those which surround the possessions of France and Portugal.

What, then, is the conclusion of the whole matter? Is it of no importance from the point of view of our foreign trade whether territory falls under the dominion of foreign countries or of Great Britain? Certainly not.

Our best markets are the markets of our own colonies and possessions. Per head of their population they take from us far more than any foreign colony. 'Trade follows the flag.' I do not for a moment question that. It is to our own kin across the seas that we must look for the great development of our trade in the future, as it is to them we must look for the extension of our influence and the growth of our power. But while we continue our own national policy of expansion, developing to the best of our ability all our unimproved estates' and even 'pegging out' fresh claims ' wherever we can, there is no reason why we should not rejoice in the fact that there is satisfaction to be gathered from our transactions with foreign' claims' and alien 'estates.'

The movement of foreign colonial expansion is far too powerful for us to arrest it, even if we would. Our interests come into conflict with those of foreign powers all over the world. The task of British diplomacy has become infinitely more difficult during the last twenty-five years. Many parts of our empire, which were then

in safe isolation, now march with the possessions of our European neighbours. Questions arise which were formerly undreamed of. For their happy solution concessions have to be made and compromises effected. Our statesmen are frequently compelled in the course of negotiations to acknowledge and to gratify the colonial aspirations of foreign powers. As often as not they have in consequence to encounter the hostile criticisms of a nervous public and press in this country. If anything is yielded to the French in Siam, 'our intérests are being sacrificed.' If a bargain is struck with another power in Africa, fertile regions are being lost to British trade.' I admit that underneath these feelings lies the conviction, more or less justified by past history, that Great Britain would make better use of—or shall I say make more rapid progress with the settlement of?—the territory in dispute, but this is a conviction we can hardly expect our rivals to share with us. It is just this grudging attitude towards the expansion of our neighbours that gains for us the reputation of a grasping and selfish power. It is an attitude the British public ought frankly to abandon. I believe our statesmen have abandoned it, if indeed they ever held it. ehT exigencies of our world-wide policy demand and necessitate a more generous view of the colonial ventures of other powers. So far the adoption of such a policy has been rendered difficult by the fear that our commercial interests might suffer. The practical experience of the past fifteen years goes to prove that such fears are illusory. It teaches us plainly that foreign annexation does not carry with it the extinction of our trade. British enterprise is vigorous enough and British commerce has vitality enough to overstep, in some measure at all events, any barriers that are likely to be erected against them.

HENRY BIRCHENOUGH.

Macclesfield.