ROWN

(Richard II, Act V, Scene 3)

T. Brown in the New York Herald Tribune

ANTI-WORLD

COURT CAMPAIGN

Copyright, 1925, New York Tribune Inc.

SENTIMENT

Damming the flood

From D. S. Imrie, New York, N. Y.

WORLD COURT

Rollin Kirby in the New York World

If there is any League of Nations hiding in this Trojan horse we are going to know it

Irreconcilable: "You'll never come out alive " From W. E. Shafer, New York, N. Y.

"Now, ain't it aggravatin'!

From Mrs. L. J. Morgan, Union City, Tenn.

pages to dinner in the Senate diningroom. He, the Vice-President, paid for the dinner. And they, the pages, ate the dinner. And are not they, the pages aforesaid, persons in positions of honor and profit and influence, in constant and close touch with those august personages, the Senators, who may be by those polluted pages themselves so contaminated as to vote for the revision of their own sacred rules?

Does not the very resolution adopted by the pages themselves, while in that state of repletion which precludes swallowing but permits of a little chewingdoes not that very resolution prove that the pages were improperly influenced? They indorsed the revision of the rules proposed by Dawes, but in what language they did it! "Resolved," reads the resolution, "that if cloture means less talk and more eats"-Don't you see? Plainly, here is praise for Dawes, who provided the "eats," and, just as plainly, a back-hand slap at the Senators, who provide the talk. They did not commit themselves too far. They ratified the Dawes revision-but with reservations.

Really, they displayed exceptionally good sense, those pages. They "kidded" the situation-took it lightly, as it should The have been meant to be taken. pages, a pipe, and a poem! They gave him the pipe. They read him the poem. But to that program the Vice-President added history and prophecy. He told those pages how and why the Reparations Commission adopted the Dawes Plan. That of his past. Then he told them that the Senate has, by its rules, amended the Constitution of the United States, that the procedure is un-American, and that "I am going to go through with the matter." That of his future.

Does not the Vice-President owe it to his party and to his country to refrain . from making opportunities such as that for the Jim Reeds and the Pat Harrisons?

pinch, Washington can make a small sensation serve all the purposes of a catastrophe.

Army men have been aghast at what Mitchellism would do to the Army if it could. But there is more genuine consternation, if not in Army circles strictly, then certainly in Army-admiring circles, over Secretary Davis's new uniform regulations than there ever has been over the prospect of the worst that Mitchell could do.

Every Army officer must have lapels put on his service coat! put on his service coat! No longer will the tight thing around the neck, its corners punching holes in the throat, be worn no longer, that is, than the tailors can turn out a sufficient supply of turn-downs. Secretary Davis has done. what the World War could not do-he has put common sense into the American Army uniform.

Now there is innovation. What

P. & A. Photos

Vice-President Charles G. Dawes

Mitchell proposed would have been, by comparison, mild-mannered modification.

But civil servants of the Government manage, most times, to get their sensations, hardly less pronounced than those of the military servants. The newest one comes from the fact that the Smithsonian Institution is at last, after decades of investigation and years of bickering, ready to issue long-range weather forecasts based on variations in solar radiation.

And those who are neither civil nor military servants of the Government, but real Washingtonians who own the buildings and pay the property taxes, are having their sensation also-two of them, to be exact, but of somewhat kindred nature. Colonel C. O. Sherrill, on the eve of giving up the position of Superintendent of Buildings and Grounds for the District of Columbia to accept the City Managership of Cincinnati, issued a statement in which he said that many of the buildings in which Government offices are housed are about to fall down and that the lives of employees are con-. stantly endangered. The other part of the sensation for the residents has to do with the condition of the streets. Commissioner Cuno H. Rudolph recently declared that there is hardly a block of street paving in Washington but that should have been discarded and replaced years ago, and the American Automobile Association is demanding to be shown what was done with the revenues supposed to have been raised during those years for street improvement.

Who is to pay for replacements-the residents of the District of Columbia or the people of the United States? That is the heart of the sensation for the permanent residents. It recurs with each new session of Congress.

a comparatively small number and enormously increased the number of arrests for infractions of the Prohibition Law. If his campaign to end the notorious wetness of Philadelphia largely failed, it is because of the antagonistic attitude of the magistrates in general. In his attempt to enforce a law objectionable to a noisy minority he had real and emphatic popular support.

Mayor W. Freeland Kendrick, himself

a product of Philadelphia's political machine, stood between the General and the bosses.

There is no doubt that Mr. Kendrick wished to make a good record. When the General, however, produced evidence seeming to involve two or three of Philadelphia's largest hotels, the Mayor, as the General put it, found himself in a "jam." He needed, of course, on the one hand, the support of the great mass of Philadelphia's voting population who live in two-story houses, and whose hero was General Butler; but, on the other hand, with the proposal to padlock big hotels he was confronted with some very powerful financial interests. The Mayor was between two millstones. Curiously enough, it was the General himself who provided him with a way to slip

out.

It was a poor enough way, to be sure, one that is lined with political perils. Believing that the Mayor wished him to remain in Philadelphia two years longer, in spite of their several open disagreements, the General, whose two-year leave of absence from the Marines was nearing its end, wrote a resignation from the Marine Corps and sent it to Washington. The Mayor, seizing this as a Heaven-sent opportunity, promptly dismissed the General, declaring that he did not want a "resigned officer" in charge of the police. What this amazing statement means no one has explained.

The General, who has a disconcerting way of saying what he thinks, immediately put down a regular barrage. If he publishes his diary of the last two years, as he proposes, there may well follow the downfall of several notable politicians.

In fairness to the Mayor, it should be recorded that he has appointed as General Butler's successor George W. Elliott, whom General Butler had chosen and trained as Assistant Director of Public Safety, and that he has retained in the direct command of the police Superin

as the greatest of living pianists and a genius as a statesman, the former Prime Minister of Poland delivered an eloquent and genuine tribute to the late President of the United States, with whom he had been associated during the Paris Peace Conference. He explicitly disclaimed any purpose of discussing American political issues, but he declared that Woodrow Wilson belonged not only to America but to the world. Especially, said Mr. Paderewski, Poland could never forget the man who had lifted her into independence.

To Woodrow Wilson he ascribed virtually all that was hopeful in the present situation in Europe. He took as an example the pact of Locarno. This, he said, he had heard described as the greatest event since the Armistice. From this view of Locarno he expressed strong dissent. The achievement at Locarno, he believed, consisted in the admission of Germany into the League of Nations. Suppose, argued Mr. Paderewski, that a great medical scientist had discovered a cure for tuberculosis, and that a great majority of other medical scientists had accepted the cure as authentic, but that a few eminent medical men had withheld their approval. Suppose then that one of the most important of these dissenters, perhaps because he himself was a victim of this disease and sought the cure for himself, accepted the judgment of the majority. Would we say that the conversion of this one medical man was more important than the discovery itself?

The Disservice

of Praise

LONG with the praise of Woodrow Wilson at the New York celebration there was both expressed and implied deep resentment against those who had opposed his policy. Indeed, the statement at that dinner which evoked the loudest and most lasting applause

Iwas that of Dr. Norwood in which he spoke of the Republican Party as being guilty in dealing with the integrity of Woodrow Wilson's soul.

No mention was made by any one on this occasion of any of Mr. Wilson's domestic policies. It was solely his doctrines in international affairs that the speakers discussed. In the sphere of world politics he was extolled as one who had caught the vision of ultimate world peace and brotherhood.

There is danger to the future historic position of any man in untempered praise. For many years Washington ceased to be a human being because the really human man that he was had been plastered over with the ideas of those who thought they were doing him honor. And any public man whose words are treated as Scripture to be cited in proof of some doctrine will be sure to suffer, as Lincoln has suffered, through injury to his real and lasting influence. Admirers of any American leader, be it Wilson, or Roosevelt, or any other man, can best serve his memory by keeping him hu

man.

Masonry and Catholicism

H

ERE is a reply to a Catholic critic of Don C. Seitz's article on "Jews, Catholics, and Protestants." The critic, John F. Gilroy, said in a letter which we published in our issue of December 16: "We have the kindest feelings towards the Masons, we look on many of them as our best friends and differ from them only in religion. Many times have I heard in Catholic clubs, Knights of Columbus councils, and Holy Name Societies the Masons referred to as our separate brothers. Is there anything unfriendly in that?"

Another correspondent in Cleveland wonders how this statement by Mr. Gilroy can be squared with a news item which he found in the "New Age," a monthly magazine issued to Scottish Rite Masons in the Southern jurisdiction. The item as quoted by him reads:

Knights of Columbus and Masons. Don't Mix:-The sudden collapse of the Hamilton-Jefferson movement carries lessons that all may discern. It will be remembered that a few months ago a group of Masons and Knights of Columbus in Utica, N. Y., organized this society to be composed of Masons and Roman Catholics, fifty-fifty, to combat bigotry, so it was explained,

and to promote fraternity among American citizens of all creeds. The organization attracted much newspaper attention because it was asserted that Elihu Root was deeply interested in it. Newspaper editorials all over the nation hailed the new association with encomiums upon the beauties of toleration and brotherly love.

But the auspicious beginning became clouded and the whole project came to grief when the hierarchy of the Church made known its unmitigated disapproval.

Cardinal O'Connell's official organ, "The Pilot," Boston, denounced the whole proceeding as a "contemptible compromising of eternal, essential principles." Said the editorial: "Cheap fraternizing with Freemasonry on the part of Catholics is tantamount to unmanly and unworthy compromise of their precious Christian heritage. Such fraternizing should cease."

The responsibility for this spectacular fiasco rests wholly with the hierarchy. The movement, so we were informed, originated with and was sponsored by Roman Catholics, both the president and secretary being members of the Knights of Columbus.

So it cannot be said that the Masons were laying some deep conspiracy to entrap the credulous Romanists. The initiative was wholly Catholic.

It looks as if there had been a disagreement in policy between Catholics who understand our American ideals and Catholics who believe that the interests of their Church should be paramount. The liberal Catholics seem to have lost out in the contest. Cardinal O'Connell seems to be doing all that he can to force America to answer "no" to the frequent question, "Will America ever elect a Catholic President?"

A Bonus for Delay

A

LOCOMOTIVE engineer in our issue of December 23 gave a graphic account of the abuse of the principle of overtime pay by the crews of freight trains. He showed distinctly the great burden which this system of payment laid upon the shoulders of both the railroads and the shippers. Comments which the President of the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fé Railway system makes upon this article ought to be of great interest to business men. He writes:

On the whole Mr. Leonard presents the facts very clearly and forcibly. It should be pointed out, however, that the time-and-a-half basis of pay for overtime in road freight service is one of the things foisted on the roads during the period of Federal control

which they would be very glad to shake off if they could. It is our feeling, however, that nothing short of a Nation-wide strike or the force of a uniformly aroused public opinion will ever accomplish anything in this direction; and until this method of compensation is done away with it seems to us that a bonus payment for saving time on an established schedule, as suggested by Mr. Leonard, will not be worth while, for the reason that it is so much easier to slow up than speed up. In other words, so long as there remains any form of bonus payment for indifferent work there is little or no incentive for expediting the movement.

Mr. Mills C. Leonard, who runs a locomotive for the Pennsylvania Railroad, and Mr. William B. Story, who runs the whole Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fé system, seem to agree as to the existence of an evil. Can the railroads and the public be aroused to the point of forcing the evil to be remedied?

Airplanes and the Arctic

THERE is a point in the Arctic regions

which is farther removed than any other point from each and all places accessible to ships. To this point no adventurer has attained or tried to attain. It has been called (not very exactly, we think) a Pole, and Stefansson describes it as the Pole of Relative Inaccessibility. This point is 84° north and 160° west, but in the days of Arctic exploration by ship and sledge it was far more difficult to reach or to retreat from than the North Pole at 90° latitude, no longitude.

Now the airplane has changed the situation. The distance from Point Barrow, Alaska, to Spitzbergen across the vast area of ice and possibly land in the midst of which exists this geographical and purely mathematical Pole is no greater than that from Newfoundland to Ireland, traversed six years ago by Alcock in an airplane, about 1,900 miles. Since then, it need not be said, the improvement in airplanes and air engines has been notable. Stefansson and other experts think the flight quite feasible, and believe also that there would be a good chance of discovering land and getting valuable geographical data.

An experienced Australian aviator and explorer, Captain George Wilkins, who has made some remarkable flights, will head the expedition. He hopes to fly two large planes carrying supplies from Fairbanks, the Alaskan railway terminus, to Point Barrow, his long-distance starting

= point. Captain Wilkins's confidence in what seems to laymen a desperate venture is seen in his statement, "Our flight will be made with the understanding that if our plane fails to reach Spitzbergen or return to Point Barrow, no rescue expedition will be sent out for at least two years." This means, doubtless, that it is thought possible to make landings and in case of need to subsist as the Eskimos do. The MacMillan expedition did not find it easy to make ice landings.

The enterprise is sponsored and managed by the American Geographical Society, the Detroit Aviation Society, and the North American Newspaper Alliance. The fact that Mr. Henry Ford's general manager, Mr. William B. Mayo, is the head of the expedition's Board of Control is generally taken as an indication that Mr. Ford is backing the attempt financially. President Coolidge has written a letter expressing keen personal interest and remarking that "the importance to commercial aviation and the possible development of air routes across the Arctic region make the proposed enterprise of particular value."

APAN has again emphasized her policy of maintaining a special position in Manchuria. By reinforcing her garrison at Mukden and assuming control in the capital city and strengthening her guards along the South Manchurian Railway she practically intervened in the civil war between Marshal Chang Tso-lin, the Military Governor of the three Manchurian provinces, and General Kuo Sung-lin, who was challenging his power with some apparent chances of success. The Japanese authorities warned the leaders to keep the fighting at least six miles from Mukden. Japan's moves are reported to have checked plans for a revolt against Chang at Mukden and to have cut his opponents off from possible bases of supply, and so to have contributed to the defeat of Kuo, who was captured, tortured, and killed.

Japan has the technical right, under the Portsmouth Treaty, which ended her war with Russia, to bring her garrison at Mukden up to 15,000 men. She also contends that her action was based on requests from the foreign consuls in

Mukden to keep order in the city. Nevertheless it has further significance in her economic interests.

Japan controls the South Manchurian Railway from Changchun, in central Manchuria, to the port of Dairen (formerly the Russian Dalny). The main line and branches make altogether about seven hundred miles. A great part of it has been built up under Japanese organization. The Japanese have opened up deposits of coal never before touched and have been reported to be mining at the rate of ten million tons a year, with modern electrical machinery and transport. In addition, all along the lines of the South Manchurian Railway the Japanese have established industries, such as soy-bean mills, textile mills, and a steel foundry. South Manchuria has become agriculturally and industrially more prosperous. Hundreds of thousands of Chinese farmers and laborers have migrated and settled there, but comparatively few Japanese. Japan has been concerned in Manchuria, not as a field for colonization, but as a means of contributing to the support of her crowded population at home.

A new branch of the South Manchurian system has been under construction, from Taonanfu, in central western Manchuria, to Tsitsikar, a station on the Chinese Eastern Railway, built through northern Manchuria by Russia. This new branch was started under agreement with the Government of Fengtien Province that is to say, with Chang Tso-lin; and, it was reported, the South Manchurian Railway advanced 18,800,000 yen for the construction, to bear interest at the rate of 92 per cent, and that the principal materials were to be purchased in Japan. This line, upon completion, would come into competition for traffic from northern Manchuria with the Chinese Eastern Railway, in which Russia is interested. It would have the advantage of providing a direct route to the ice-free port of Dairen, one hundred miles shorter than the present route over the Chinese Eastern line by way of Harbin, and without the necessity of transshipment of goods at Changchun from the Chinese Eastern to the South Manchurian line, now due to the difference of gauge between the two lines. The prospect that completion of the new Japanese-controlled branch from Taonanfu to Tsitsikar will cut into the business of the Russian-built line already has caused