facts which none can deny, or such as I can prove from my own knowledge.

Being resolved publicly to confess any mistakes I have been guilty of, I do hereby humbly desire the reader's pardon for one of mighty importance, about a fact in one of my papers said to be done in the cathedral of Gloucester. A whole Hydra of errors, in two words! For, as I am since informed, it was neither in the cathedral, nor city, nor county of Gloucester, but some other church of that diocese. If I had ever met any other objection of equal weight, although from the meanest hands, I should certainly have answered it.

No. XXV.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 25, 1710-11.

Διαλεξάμενοί τινα ησυχῆ, τὸ μὲν σύμπαν ἐπί τε τῆ δυνασεία, καὶ καλὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν συνώμοσαν.

Summissa quædam voce collocuti sunt, quorum summa erat de dominatione sibi confirmanda, ac inimicis delendis, conjuratio.

They meet, they whisper together, and their whole design is to establish themselves in their ill-gotten power upon the ruin of

their enemies.

Nor many days ago I observed a knot of discontented gentlemen, cursing the Tories to hell for their uncharitableness in affirming, that if the late

13

ministry had continued to this time, we should have had neither church nor monarchy left. They are usually so candid, as to call that the opinion of the party, which they hear in a coffee-house, or over a bottle, from some warm young people, whom it is odds but they have provoked to say more than they believed, by some positions as absurd and ridiculous of their own. And so it proved in this very instance: for, asking one of these gentlemen what it was that provoked those he had been disputing with to advance such a paradox; he assured me, in a very calm manner, it was nothing in the world but that himself, and some others of the company, had made it appear, that the design of the present parliament and ministry was to bring in Popery, arbitrary power, and the Pretender: which I take to be an opinion fifty times more improbable, as well as more uncharitable, than what is charged upon the Whigs: because I defy our adversaries to produce one single reason for suspecting such designs in the persons now at the helm; whereas I can, upon demand, produce twenty to shew, that some late men had strong views toward a commonwealth, and the alteration of the church.

It is natural indeed, when a storm is over, that has only untiled our houses, and blown down some of our chimnies, to consider what farther mischiefs might have ensued, if it had lasted longer. However, in the present case, I am not of the opinion abovementioned. I believe the church and state might have lasted somewhat longer, although the late enemies to both had done their worst. I can hardly conceive how things would have been so soon ripe for a new revolution. I am convinced, that if they had offered to make such large and sudden strides, it must have come to blows; and according to the computation, we have now reason

to think a right one, I can partly guess what would have been the issue. Besides, we are sure the queen would have interposed before they came to extremities; and as little as they regarded the regal authority, would have been a check in their

career.

But instead of this question, What would have been the consequence, if the late ministry had continued? I will propose another, which will be more useful for us to consider; and that is, What may we reasonably expect they will do, if ever they come into power again? This we know is the design and endeavour of all those scribbles which daily fly about in their favour; of all the false, insolent, and scandalous libels against the present administration, and of all those engines set at work to sink the actions and blow up the public credit. As for those who shew their inclinations by writing, there is one consideration, which I wonder does not sometimes affect them: for, how can they forbear having a good opinion of the gentleness and innocence of those who permit them to employ their pens as they do? It puts me in mind of an insolent, pragmatical orator somewhere in Greece, who railing with great freedom at the chief men in the state, was answered by one, who had been very instrumental in recovering the liberty of the city, that he thanked the gods, they had now arrived to the condition he always wished them in, when every man in that city might securely say what he pleased. I wish these gentlemen would however compare the liberty they take, with what their masters used to give; how many messengers and warrants would have gone out against any who durst have opened their lips, or drawn their pens against the persons and proceedings of their juntoes and cabals ? How would their weekly writers have

*

been calling out for prosecution and punishment? We remember, when a poor nickname, borrowed from an old play of Ben Jonson, and mentioned in a sermon without any particular application, was made use of as a motive to spur on an impeachment. But after all it must be confessed, they had reasons to be thus severe, which their successors have not: their faults would never endure the light; and to have exposed them sooner, would have raised the kingdom against the actors before the proper time.

But, to come to the subject I have now undertaken, which is, to examine what the consequences would be, upon supposition that the Whigs were now restored to their power. I already imagine the present free parliament dissolved, and another of a different epithet met, by the force of money and management. I read immediately a dozen or two of stinging votes against the proceedings of the late ministry. The bill † now to be repealed would then be re-enacted, and the birthright of an Englishman reduced again to the value of twelve-pence. But, to give the reader a strong imagination of such a scene, let me represent the designs of some men, lately endeavoured and projected, in the form of a paper of votes.

"Ordered,

"That a bill be brought in for repealing the sacramental test.

"A petition of Tindal, Collins, Clendon, Cow

* In Dr Sacheverel's famous sermon, he mentioned Godolphin under the nick-name of Volpone; a reflection so galling to that statesman, that, in spite of the remonstrances of Lord Somers, he insisted upon the preacher's being proceeded against by impeachment, of which the issue is well known.

A bill for a general naturalization.

ard, and Toland, in behalf of themselves and many hundreds of their disciples, some of whom are members of this honourable House; desiring that leave may be given to bring in a bill for qualifying atheists, deists, and socinians, to serve their country in any employment, ecclesiastical, civil, or military. "Ordered,

"That leave be given to bring in a bill, according to the prayer of the said petition; and that Mr Lechmere do prepare and bring in the same.

"Ordered,

"That a bill be brought in for removing the education of youth out of the hands of the clergy. "Another to forbid the clergy preaching certain duties in religion; especially obedience to princes. "Another to take away the jurisdiction of bishops.

"Another for constituting a general for life; with instructions to the committee, that care may be taken to make the war last as long as the life of the said general.

"A bill of attainder against Charles Duke of Shrewsbury, † John Duke of Buckingham, Laurence Earl of Rochester, Sir Simon Harcourt, knight, Robert Harley and William Shippen, Esqrs. Abigail Masham, spinster, and others, for high treason against the junto.

"Resolved,

"That Sarah Duchess of Marlborough has been a most dutiful, just, and grateful servant to her majesty.

* Nicholas Lechmere was one of the managers against Dr Sacheverel, and summed up the evidence. He was afterwards chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and attorney-general, and is the hero of the ballad entitled, " Duke upon Duke."

+ Altered afterwards to James Duke of Ormond.

This slip of the pen brought the Examiner under the correc tion of his foes, for Abigail Masham was a married woman.