want you to drink with us to-night the health of our new, our grand ally-America."

And the dear old Curé, his eyes all aglow, his long white locks illuminated by the candle-light, replied: "Yes, mon Colonel, yes, certainly, and with all my heart will I drink with you tonight; but❞—and then he rose--" if you will pardon me for a few moments, perhaps I can bring something that will add to this wonderful occasion."

He left us, and we, the younger ones, got busy to open a few bottles of vin ordinaire. The Curé did not keep us waiting long. Presently he returned, followed by a Belgian soldier. The man, who evidently had been instructed beforehand, at once went to the piano.

The ten of us rose, and as we stood round the table, bareheaded, our glasses lifted, there suddenly sounded through the dugout, and I think I can speak for my friends as well as for myself through our hearts, the strains of "The Star-Spangled Banner."

Ah, what do you people here at home know of that melody?

What do you know of the message of hope, promise, courage, and inspiration it carries? I had heard it often before; I have heard it many times since; but never, never have I heard it under just such wonderful, gripping, and moving circumstances as there in that dugout "Somewhere in Flanders." I can only say that it seemed to us like a melody of heaven, like a chant of angels. The pessimists had disappeared. We were ALL optimists now, and till late in the night we sat there and laughed at the whining German shells above our heads. "Bah!" we thought; "you have done your worst now. You cannot harm us any more. Is not America our ally?"

And the next day and the next week? Why, on everybody's face there had come that expression of relief, and often it was expressed in words. They were:

"No matter what happens now, whether the war lasts one year more, two years, or five years, nothing ill can happen to us again; there can be only one ending-victory, because-ah, because

"AMERICA IS OUR ALLY."

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HERE are two kinds of superiority-real and inherited. All the troubles of this world have come of inherited superiority. Of all the defects that flesh is heir to, inherited superiority is the most deplorable. It is worse than insanity or idiocy or curvature of the spine. There are millions of acres of land in Europe occupied by nothing but inherited superiority; there are millions of hands and intellects in Europe occupied by nothing but inherited superiority, while billions of wealth have been devoted to its service and embellishment. A man who has even a small amount of it needs a force of porters and footmen to help him carry it around, and a guard to keep watch for fear that some one will grab his superiority and run off with it when his back is turned.

A full equipment of inherited superiority, decorated with a title, a special dialect, a lot of old armor and university junk, stuck out so that there wasn't room for more than one outfit in a township. Most of the bloodshed has been caused by the blunders or the hoggishness of inherited superiority. It is the nursing bottle of insanity and the Mellin's Food of crime.

There are two kinds of sense in men-common and preferred, plain and fancy. The common has become the great asset of mankind; the preferred its great liability. Our forefathers had large holdings of the common, certain kings and their favorites of the preferred. The preferred represented an immense bulk of inherited superiority and an alleged pipe line leading from the king's throne to paradise, and connected with the fount of every blessing by the best religious plumbers. It always drew dividends, whether the common got anything or not. The preferred holders ran the plant and insisted that they held a first mortgage on it. When they tried to foreclose with military power to back them, some of our forefathers got out.

We, their sons, are now crossing the seas to take up that ancient issue between sense common and preferred and to determine the rights of each. We are fighting for the foundations of democracy-the dictates of common sense.

For the sake of saving time, I hope my readers will grant me license to resort to the economy of slang. A man might do worse these days. There is one great destroyer of common sense. It is hot air. Now hot air has been the favorite dissipation of kings. James the First was one of the world's great consumers of hot air. He and his family and friends took all that Great Britain could produce-never, I am glad to say, a large amount, but enough to put James into business with the

1 Mr. Bacheller is the author of "Eben Holden,' " "Dri and I," "Keeping up with Lizzie," "The Light in the Clearing," and other well-known novels characteristic of American life, spirit, and humor. This paper on Common Sense, which seems to us to be an unusual and happy blending of humorous satire and deep sentiment, is the substance of an address made by Mr. Bacheller at the one hundred and twelfth Festival Dinner of the New England Society of New York City, held at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel on the evening of December 22.-THE EDITORS.

Almighty. To be sure, it was not a full partnership. It was no absolute Hohenzollern monopoly of mortal participation. It was comparatively modest, but it was enough to outrage the common sense of the English. After all, divine partnerships were not for the land of Fielding and Smollett and Swift and Dickens and Thackeray. Too much humor there. Too much liberty of the tongue and pen. Too great a gift for ridicule. Where there is ridicule there can be no self-appointed counselors of God, and hand-made halos of divinity find their way to the garbage heap.

Now, if we are to have sound common sense, we must have humor, and if we are to have humor we must have liberty. There can be no crowned or mitered knave, no sacred, fawning idiot, who is immune from ridicule; no little tin deities who can safely slash you with a sword unless you give them the whole of the sidewalk. Humor would take care of them; not the exuberance that is born in the wine-press or the beer-vat-humor is no by-product of the brewery-but the merriment that comes when common sense has been vindicated by ridicule.

Solemnity is often wedded to Conceit, and their children have committed all the crimes on record. You may always look for the devil in the neighborhood of some solemn and conceited ass who has inherited power and who, like the one that Balaam rode, speaks for the Almighty. So, when the devil came back, he steered for Germany. There he began to destroy the common sense of a race with the atmosphere of hell-hot air. We have seen its effect. It inflates the intellect. It produces the pneumatic rubber brain-the brain that keeps its friends busy with the pump of adulation; the brain stretched to hold its conceit, out of which we can hear the hot air leaking in streams of boastfulness. The divine afflatus of an emperor is apt to make as much disturbance as a leaky steam-pipe. When the pumpers cease because they are weary, it becomes irritated. Then all hands to the pumps again. Soon there is no illusion of grandeur too absurd to be real, no indictment of idiotic presumption which it is unwilling to admit. By and by it breaks into the realm of the infinite and hastens to the succor of God, for, to the pneumatic brain, God is slow and old-fashioned. Thereafter it infests the heavenly throne and seeks to turn it into a plant for the manufacture of improved morals, and, so as to insure their popularity, every agent for these morals is to carry a sword and a gun and a license to use them. The alleged improvement consists in taking all the nots out of the ten commandments. Nots are irritating to certain people who have plans for murder, rape, arson, and piracy. Hohenzollern and Krupp had taken the Lord into partnership and begun to give Him lessons in efficiency. Moreover, they were not to be free lessons. The lessons were to be paid for, but they were willing to give Him easy terms, for which they were to show Him how to hasten the slow process of evolu

tion. Evolution was hindered and delayed by sentiment and

emotion.

Sentiment and emotion were a needless inheritance. Hohenzollern and Krupp proposed to cut them out of life and abolish tears. Tears consumed the time and strength of the people. They were factors of inefficiency. What was the use of crying over spilled milk and dead people? Tears were in the nature of a luxury. The poor could not afford them. Life was not going to be lived any longer-it was to be conducted. It was to be a kind of a hurried Cook's tour. Nobody would have to think or feel. All that would be attended to by the proper official. Life was to be reduced to a merciless iron plan like that of the beehive-the most perfect example of efficiency in nature, with its two purposes of storage and race perpetuation. No one ever saw a bee shedding tears or worrying about the murder of a drone. The ideal of Germany was to be that of the insect. To the bee there is nothing in the world but bees, enemies, and the nectar in flowers; to the German there was to be nothing in the world but Germans, enemies, and loot. With no wall of pity and sentiment between them and other races they could rain showers of bursting lyddite on the unsuspecting, and after that the will of the Kaiser and God would be respected. The firm would prosper. It is not the first time that conceit and Kultur have hitched their wagon to infinity. It is the old scheme of Nero and Caligula-the ancient dream of the pneumatic prince. He can rule a great nation, but first he must fool it. ...

You may think that this endangered the national morals, but do not be hasty. The morals were being looked after.

Every school, every pulpit, every newspaper, every book, became a pumping-station for hot air impregnated with the new morals. Poets, philosophers, orators, teachers, statesmen, romancers, were summoned to the pumps. Rivers of beer and wine flowed into the national abdomen and were converted into mental and moral flatulency.

For thirty years Germany had been on a steady dream diet. It took its morning hate with its coffee and prayers, its hourly self-contentment with its toil, its evening superiority with its beer and frankfurters. History was falsified, philosophy bribed, religion coerced and corrupted, conscience silenced-at first by sophistry, then by the iron hand. Hot air was blowing from all sides. It was no gentle breeze. It was a simoom, a tornado. No one could stand before it-not even a sturdy Liebknecht or an unsullied Harden.

Germany was inebriated with a sense of its mental grandeur and moral pulchritude. Now moral pulchritude is like a forest flower. It cannot stand the fierce glare of publicity; you cannot handle it as you would handle sausages and dye and fertilizer. Observe how the German military party is adver tising its moral pulchritude-one hundred per cent pure, blue ribbon, spurlos versenkt, honest-to-God morality! the kind that made hell famous. I don't blame them at all. How would any one know that they had it if they did not advertise it?

It is easy to accept the hot-air treatment for common senseeasy even for sober-minded men. The cocaine habit is not more swiftly acquired and brings a like sense of comfort and exhilaration. Slowly the Germans yielded to its sweet inducement. They began to believe that they were supermen-the chosen people; they thanked God that they were not like other men. Their first crime was that of grabbing everything in the heaven of holy promise. Those clever Prussians had arranged with St. Peter for all the reserved seats-nothing but standing room left. Heaven was to be a place exclusively for the lovers cf frankfurters and sauerkraut and Limburger cheese. God was altogether their God. Of course! Was he not a member of the firm of Hohenzollern & Krupp? And, being so, other races were a bore and an embarrassment. Would he not gladly be rid of them? Certainly. Other races were God's enemies, and therefore German enemies. So it became the right and duty of the Germans to reach out and possess the earth and its fullness. The day had arrived. There was nothing in the world but Germans and enemies and loot.

Their great leader, in their name, had claimed a swinish monopoly of God's favor. His was not the contention of James the First, that all true kings enjoy divine right-oh, not at all! Bill had grown rather husky and had got his feet in the trough, and was going to crowd the others out of it. He was the one and

only. And as he crowded, he began to pray, and his prayers came out of lips which had confessed robbery and violated good faith and inspired deeds of inhuman frightfulness. His prayers were therefore nothing more nor less than hot air aimed at the ear of the Almighty and carrying with them the flavor of the swine-yard. In all this Church and people stood by him. It would seem that the devil had taken both unto a high mountain and showed them the kingdoms of the earth and their glory, and that they had yielded to his blandishments.

Now the thing that has happened to the criminal is this. In one way or another, he loses his common sense. He ceases to see things in their just relations and proportions. The difference between right and wrong dwindles and disappears from his vision. He convinces himself that he has a right to at least a part of the property of other people. Often he acquires a comic sense of righteousness.

I have lately been in the devastated regions of northern France. I have seen whole cities of no strategic value which the German armies had destroyed by dynamite before leaving them in a silence like that of the grave the slow-wrought walls of old cathedrals and public buildings tumbled into hopeless ruin; the château, the villas, the little houses of the poor, shaken into heaps of moldering rubbish. And I see in it a sign of that greater devastation which covers the land of William II-the devastation of the spirit of the German people; for where is that moral grandeur of which Heine and Goethe and Schiller and Luther were the far-heard compelling voices? I tell you it has all been leveled into heaps of moldering rubbish-a thousand times more melancholy than any in France.

Behold the common sense of Germany become the sense that is common only among criminals! The sooner we recognize that, the better. They are really burglars in this great house of God we inhabit, seeking to rob it of its best possessions-Hindenburglars! In this war we must give them the consideration due a burglar, and only that. We must hit them how and where we may. We are bound by no nice regard for fair play. We must kill the burglar or the burglar will kill us.

When I went away to the battle-front, a friend said to me: "Try to learn how this incredible thing came about and why it continues. That is what every one wishes to know."

Well, hot air was the cause of it. Now why does it continue? My answer is, Bone-head-mostly plumed bone-head.

Think of those diplomats who were twenty years in Germany and yet knew nothing of what was going on around them and of its implications! You say that they did know, and that they warned their peoples? Well, then, you may shift the boneheads onto other shoulders. Think of the diplomatic failures

that have followed!

I bow my head to the people of England and to the incomparable valor of her armies and fleets. My friendly criticism is aimed at the one and only point in which she could be said to resemble Germany, viz., in a certain limited encouragement of supermen.

Now, if the last three years have taught us anything, it is this: the superman is going to be unsupered. Considering the high cost of upkeep and continuous adulation, he does not pay. He is in the nature of a needless tax upon human life and security. His mistakes, even to use no harsher word, have slaughtered more human beings than there are in the world. The born gentleman and professional aristocrat, with a hot-air receiver on his name, who lives in a tower of inherited superiority and looks down at life through hazy distance with a telescope, has and can have no common sense. . . . He has not that intimate knowledge of human nature which comes only of a long and close contact with human beings. Without that knowledge he will know no more of what is in the other fellow's mind and the bluff that covers it in a critical clash of wits than a baby sucking its bottle in a perambulator. He fails, and the cost of his failure no man can estimate. He stands discredited. . . .

Now is the time when all men must choose between two ideals: That of the proud and merciless heart on the one hand, that of the humble and contrite heart on the other; between the Hun and the Anglo-Saxon, between Jesus Christ and the devil. Faced by such an issue, I declare myself ready to lay all that I have or may have on the old altar of our common faith.

My friends, be of good cheer. The God of our Fathers has

not been Kaisered or Krupped or hurried in the least. There is no danger that heaven will be Teutonized.

"The shouting and the tumult dies—

The captains and the kings depart-
Still stands Thine ancient sacrifice,
An humble and a contrite heart.
Lord God of hosts, be with us yet,
Lest we forget-lest we forget."

Lest we forget the innumerable dead who have nobly died, and the host of the living who with a just and common sense and love of honor have sent them forth to die. Lest we forget that we and our allies have not been above reproach; that there were signs of decadence among us in the growing love of ease and idleness, in the tango dance of literature and lust, in the exaltation of pleasure, in a very definite degeneration of our moral fiber.

Lest we forget that our spirit is being purified in the furnace

of war and the shadow of death. Do you remember the protest of those poilus when some unclean plays were sent to the battlefront for their entertainment?

"We are not pigs "—that was the message they sent back. Lest we forget that the spirit of man has been lifted up out of the mud and dust of the battle-lines, out of the body tortured with pain and weariness and vermin, out of the close companionship of the dead into high association on the bloody altar of liberty and sacrifice.

Lest we forget that the spirit of our own boys shall be thus lifted up, and our duty to put our house in order and make it a fit place for them to live in when they shall have returned to it from battlefields swept, as a soldier has written, by the cleansing winds of God.

The most sublime and beautiful thing the world has ever seen is the common sense of the common men and women of the civilized nations of to-day.

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F you ask an Englishman what his nation is he will answer, "England." A Spaniard will say, "Spain." A German will say, Germany." But if you ask a subject of Emperor Carl, What is your nationality?" he will tell you, Rumanian,' or "Slovak," or Pole," or something else. And if you ask, "Who is your Sovereign?" he will have to say, "The King of Hungary. And where does he live ?" "In Austria."

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In such a country there is intense national feeling for the provincial group or the racial family-there is none for the Empire itself. How could there be? Let me tell of a little typical AustroHungarian incident which occurred during a battle. An Austrian archduke, surrounded by his staff, which included officers from various provinces, was watching a critical movement of the day. A soldier came running up, and, waving his arm, explained something which seemed to be of great importance. The archduke, who spoke only German, turned to his chief of staff, who was a Magyar, and said: "I suppose this man is speaking Hungarian. Do translate his words to me." The chief of staff listened, and said: "I don't get a word, and I understand Croatian also. Maybe it is Rumanian dialect." He turned to an aide-de-camp: You are a Latin, and can understand this, can't you?" General, this man is neither Rumanian nor Italian."

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A Czech officer was not happier, nor was the Polish doctor who accompanied the staff. After trying two or three more nationalities, the archduke had to give up and send the man to some professional interpreter at the rear to have his message translated. Evidently some province of the monarchy was not represented on the staff, and that soldier was disloyal enough to have been been born there-luckily for the enemy, too.

Let us look at a map. This will tell more than a long text. I mean a map showing the boundaries of language as spoken by the majority of the people in a given region. Language there corresponds rather accurately to national traditions, customs, and aspirations. So this is a map of the real nationalities in Austria-Hungary; moreover, the term "nationality." is officially

used.

But, instead of normal federation with rights equal for all, what we find is a "dual monarchy" under the scepter of the Emperor of Austria, also King of Hungary. These two ruling groups, the Germans of Austria and the Magyars of Hungary, who together do not represent forty-four per cent of the total population, are in control of the whole by a system of hegemony which has persisted until our times from the remote epochs of Middle-Age feudalism. While Germany (with the exception of Alsace-Lorraine, the Poles, and the Danes) is German, speaks German, and wants its unity, each fraction of the Austrian

Empire wants autonomy and works for it. All the forces acting there are forces of disintegration.

How did such an aggregate stand together so long? And how are those millions of men still fighting for a system that they reject? There are two main reasons- -one interior, the other

exterior.

What first created Austria-Hungary was the danger of the Turks, who were still powerful and conquering in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. All Christian forces united against the common foe. The Hapsburg dynasty then managed to centralize all leadership, and for that purpose it divided and excited against each other the various groups; the Government of Vienna always knew how to rouse the fears and hostilities in such a manner that petty struggles and local antagonisms were substituted for the normal evolution of the political parties.

On the other hand, there were the powerful action of Germany, which wanted to keep her influence in the East; the presence of Russia, which did not tolerate the dismemberment of autocracies; and the consent of Europe, which was afraid of a general conflagration in case Austria-Hungary should go to pieces.

These two series of reasons have maintained the Empire until the present epoch; it is like a paradox, an animal from antediluvian times, in the midst of a modern ety of nations. What is its condition to-day, and how did the European war affect it?

On the eve of the war, in 1914, Austria-Hungary was rapidly running toward decomposition, and we have not to look further for an immediate cause of the war itself. Here was a large country, indispensable to Germany for her policy in the East, in which the spirit of emancipation had rapidly taken on alarming proportions. The eight million Czechs in Bohemia and Moravia had always been a fighting, indomitable group. The Serbian victories in the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 had stimulated the spirit of independence among the southern Slavs, who all speak the Serbian language and are of Serbian race. Austria sent her ultimatum to Serbia in July, 1914, because she could no more resist the separatist tendencies of her own people, and she needed to crush their hopes by crushing the little independent nation with which they wanted to unite. So many other factors have interposed since then that one easily forgets that this was the direct cause of the world war.

Austria-Hungary suffered heavily from the war; when left to herself, she was successively invaded by the Russians in Galicia, by the Serbians in Bosnia, by the Italians in Carniola, by the Rumanians in Transylvania. But each time the German help came in time and the defeat was followed by some vic

torious blow at the invader who was bringing freedom to his brothers inside the monarchy. To-day the Austrian territory is practically recovered, at a terrible cost. But what is the internal situation of the Empire?

First, let us try to sum up the claims of the various national parties.

The Czechs are a typical example of national resistance. Living in Bohemia (Austria), they want to form, together with the Slovaks of Hungary, an independent state. For a long time they had disagreements with other Slavic groups on matters of political tactics. But now they seem to march hand in hand with the Jugoslavs.

The Jugoslavs (or southern Slavs) include the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, living in the provinces of Bosnia, Dalmatia, Croatia, etc. There are seven millions within the limits of the monarchy. Their groups had been working separately for a long time toward autonomy and unity with Serbia and Montenegro. Now they have come to a completely common programme, and their claim has been expressed in the Declaration of Corfu (1916) by their delegates who had escaped from Austria-Hungary and by the present Serbian Government. One may say that the Declaration of Corfu has created, or rather revealed, a large western nation including more than twelve million souls. Count Tisza, when Hungarian Premier, tried to have the Croatian Diet disavow this declaration. Not one Deputy was willing to do so.

The Poles have been the most conciliatory to Vienna. Their condition was better than the condition of the Poles in Germany and Russia, because the Austrian Government was using them to maintain the balance against other parties. But they are Poles first. They show more and more distrust of the Government, and protest against the military requisitions imposed upon their country (Galicia), which has had so much to suffer from war and invasion.

The Rumanians who have been oppressed for years by the Hungarians had a moment of great hope when the armies of Rumania invaded their territory. That hope vanished when Rumania had to retreat.

The Ruthenes have claimed unity with the Ukrainians from Russia, who belong to the same race.

As for the Italians, the "Irredenti" of Trieste and the Trentino, everybody knows the fervor of their desire to be united with their brothers from Italy.

We come now to the two ruling groups, Germans and Magyars. One thing binds them, and one thing only; it is their common enterprise of subjugation over other races. Otherwise they have only motives for disagreement. Hungarians have fought for their independence against the Austrians. But to-day they refuse to the other races, more fiercely than the Germans themselves, the freedom that they have been claiming for themselves. There have been during the war some tendencies towards federalization in the policy of Austrian rulers. Count Tisza, in Budapest, then asked in a tragic tone, "Is everything permitted in Austria?" A source of bitter anxiety also is the financial situation. The Empire has been made so absolutely dependent on Germany that should Germany withdraw her help there would be immediate disaster. Meanwhile the Austrian exchange is far below the German one in neutral countries.

Nevertheless Austrians and Magyars possess hegemony and cling to it. And as it became impossible to maintain it in the present crisis, they had to carry on war against their own subjects. This is no exaggeration if we look at the facts:

Among civilians alone, as early as January, 1916, the "Neues Wiener Tageblatt" announced a total of 3,463 capital executions of Austro-Hungarian citizens (800 in Bosnia, 720 in Bohemia). Of course this was only the beginning.

In Bohemia" the most notorious case of military disaffection is that of the Twenty-eighth Czech Regiment (the 'Children of Prague'), which left for the front singing a famous Panslav hymn which contains a verse in honor of the Russians and French as friends against the Germans. They also carried a banner bearing an inscription to the effect that we are marching against the Russians, but nobody knows why.' At an early opportunity the regiment passed over, officers and men together, to the Russians. On April 17, 1915, an army order was issued proclaiming its

disgrace and temporary dissolution. Similar incidents occurred in the Eighth, Thirtieth, Eighty-eighth, and One Hundred and Second Regiments, and in the Eleventh Regiment of Landwehr. Decimation has been frequent, and if the number of military executions ever becomes known it will be found to have reached an appalling figure. More than one Czech regiment is virtually interned in Hungary as unreliable, and meanwhile Bohemia has been garrisoned by Magyar troops." (From "The New Europe," January 4, 1917.) And if this needs confirmation, we find it in the enemy press itself. On October 30, 1917, the Hungarian paper" Budapesti Hirlap" said: "The Czechs must learn that the Entente Allies will never be victorious, for the Czech policy is founded upon the Entente victory." In May and June, 1916, alone, seventy-eight Czech periodicals were suppressed, and the reading of Tolstoy and Emerson, among others, was forbidden. In Transylvania the Rumanian subjects of the monarchy, as we said, live under Hungarian oppression (in twenty years over three hundred and fifty Rumanian intellectuals were condemned to over one hundred and fifty years of imprisonment for "incitement against the Hungarian nation"). By some clever electoral disposition, only five Deputies represent three and one-half million Rumanians at the Hungarian Parliament. In October, 1917, one of them, Pop Csicso, denounced the dreadful plight of his countrymen, prosecuted and interned by the authorities, priests, women, and children being deported to the interior.

The most appalling things happened in southern Slav territory. One of the essential war aims of Germany and Austria was the crushing of the Serbian race, as standing in the way of their expansion. ("Serbia and Montenegro should disappear from the map, because thereby the road to the East would be open," says the Austrian General R. Gerba in the paper "Die Drau." Therefore he demands immediate annexation.) In order to remove that obstacle all means were good, and now the fate of the Jugoslavs is equaled in horror only by the fate of the Armenians. No excesses or atrocities committed on the western fronts can be compared to what the Austro-Hungarians did to their own subjects there. For we have to insist again on that point, which seems incredible to our minds: these are no war cruelties, these are facts of internal administration.

After the retreat of the Serbian armies the authorities exerted full vengeance upon the populations which had welcomed their brothers, and large numbers of men were executed or deported. "Die Bosnische Post," a semi-official organ, published in 1915, between February 20 and March 23 only, a list of 5,260 families expelled from a few districts in Bosnia. These families, whose men are mobilized in the Austrian army, were driven to Montenegro or other frontiers, and most of them are to-day wandering from place to place, eating the grass on the mountains ("Obzor" of Agram, November 11, 1917). For Herzegovina alone, the military governor, Sarkotic, recently announced two hundred cases of death from starvation.

Wholesale trials, on the ground of high treason, took place, like the Banjaluka trial of 1915-16, when sixteen death condemnations and eight hundred and fifty-eight years of prison were inflicted. Five Deputies to the Bosnian Diet, twenty priests, and nineteen schoolmasters were among the condemned. Cases of persecution could fill many columns of The Outlook. Mention of the most typical ones are perhaps to be found in the speech delivered by Deputy Tresic-Pavicic at the Austrian Parliament on October 19, 1917. The Austrian censorship stopped its publication in the Croatian "Novosti ;" but what we possess of it already is sufficient. At Arad and at Doboj alone, where interned civilians suffered untold martyrdom, about eleven thousand persons died from starvation, typhus, and other causes. Among them was my friend R. Radulovitch, a noble figure of a na tional leader from Bosnia. Deputy Tresic-Pavicic says that one Austrian general (Potiorek) signed thirty-five hundred condemnations to death.

Prominent leaders of the various oppressed races of AustriaHungary who could escape to France or England have taken the lead of separatist movements-namely, Professor T. Masaryk for the Czechs, Dr. A. Trumbic for the Jugoslavs, etc. They want each group to unite with its brothers outside the Hapsburg monarchy. Small nations, when free, are a guarantee for peace. We have the instance of Switzerland, who made herself free from the same Empire many centuries ago,