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Special Correspondence by Joseph H. Odell Personal Memories of Lincoln: I-President Lincoln's Address at Gettysburg..

243

By an Eye-Witness, Junius B. Remensnyder
II-Three Pictures of Abraham Lincoln 244
By Lucy S. Bainbridge

Warships and International Friendship:
The Visit of a Yankee Fleet to South
America and What It Has Accomplished 245
By Samuel G. Inman

Whose Prisoner? The Further Adventures
of Arnold Adair-II. A Reunion in
the Sky.

By Laurence La Tourette Driggs
Current Events Illustrated..
Two Lie-Awake Songs :
Sentry-Go....
Stay-At-Home Stars.

By Amelia Josephine Burr

Shall We Have a War Bank ?..

By Theodore H. Price

248

253

256

256

256

TEACHERS' AGENCIES

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SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES ILLINOIS

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HILLTOP SCHOOL

A School for VERY YOUNG BOYS in the country, fifty miles from New York. All correspondence should be addressed to MRS. J. C. MACKENZIE, Monroe, Orange Co., New York.

St. John's Riverside Hospital Training School for Nurses

YONKERS, NEW YORK

Registered in New York State, offers a 3 years' course-a general training to refined, educated women. Requirements one year high school or its equivalent. Apply to the Directress of Nurses, Yonkers, New York.

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THE ADMINISTRATION

CRITICISED BY ITS FRIENDS

Senator Hitchcock, of Nebraska, continued the Democratic criticism of the War Department, begun by his Democratic colleague from Oregon, Senator Chamberlain, in a speech on the floor of the Senate last week. He set forth the objects of the speech in the following language:

My purpose is to present concisely the reason which had led the Committee on Military Affairs to recommend the of passage two bills. One creates the office of Director of Munitions; the other creates a War Cabinet of three persons. In both cases, of course, the President would make the appointments.

Senater Hitchcock asserted that the Military Committee, of which he is a member, by its careful investigations has found that the work of preparing our military forces to take an active and successful part in the European war is not going on smoothly or satisfactorily. He quoted facts, figures, documents, and statistics to corroborate his assertion. The following is a striking illustration of some of the facts he presented:

We found that we are only now, nine months after entering the war, just beginning work on two great powder plants to cost $60,000,000, although it was evident last summer that we must have a million pounds a day more powder than America can now manufacture. We cannot get powder from these plants before next August.

Senator Hitchcock said that much of the work of the War Department had been found to be creditable and satisfactory, and that the officials of the Department had worked desperately hard. The source of all the trouble is, Senator Hitchcock believes, that our war undertaking is too vast, complicated, and extensive to be handled by one man, even if that man has conferred upon him all the powers which have recently been conferred by Congress upon the President of the United States. Under the stress, said the Senator, "the great transportation system of the United States is a gigantic wreck to-day." The shipping situation is the most serious of all, and the figures which Senator Hitchcock gave in support of his criticism of the shipping confusion are startling. Secretary Baker, in his second appearance before the Military Committee of the Senate, said that the country might expect to have one and one-half million American soldiers landed in France during the year 1918, in addition to the several hundred thousand already at the trench bases under General Pershing's command. But Senator Hitchcock pointed out that to transport such a vast army across the Atlantic and to give it the necessary supplies of food and munitions will require several million tons more shipping than are even in sight at the present time.

It is true that the Shipping Board hopes to construct six million tons of shipping during the year 1918, but it can do this only if it gets the necessary mechanics. Excellent shipping authorities, experts in shipbuilding, say that if we build three million tons of shipping this year we shall be doing extraordinarily well. "Yet," said Secretary Hitchcock," the Secretary of War, who is compelled to depend upon shipping to get his army and supplies across the ocean, is so out of touch with the Shipping Board and shipping authorities and shipping information that he makes a statement that is absolutely preposterous."

Senator Hitchcock disclaims any desire to hamper or obstruct the Administration in its gigantic task. The legislation which he is supporting is designed, he asserts, to help the President and to liberate him from some of the harassing details which it

is impossible for him to give attention to. For "nothing but the genius of perfection and the power of omniscience could enable one man to look after these vast interests.'

THE BULGARIAN MINISTER AT WASHINGTON

Demetra Vaka (Mrs. Kenneth Brown), a Greek by birth, but an American by choice, residence, and marriage, contributed to The Outlook of January 16 an article in which she called Stephen Panaretoff, the Bulgarian Minister to the United States, " an accredited German agent in Washington,” and intimated that his official presence in Washington was a menace to this country in its war against Germany.

We have received some letters of protest in response to this article. The Rev. Arthur S. Hoyt, of the Auburn (New York) Theological Seminary, in a letter which he signs "Yours Indignantly," says:

Dr. Panaretoff is one of the best products of Robert College [the well-known American college in Constantinople], a special protégé of Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, a trusted friend and co-worker of Dr. George Washburn, always treated by them like a very son. For forty years Dr. Panaretoff has been one of the noblest forces of Robert College for the higher life of the peoples of the East. A hundred well-known men in America, graduates of Robert College, former tutors and professors, will stand by him. He is as liberty-loving as Theodore Roosevelt. I would as soon charge Dr. Lyman Abbott with being a secret agent of the Kaiser as Dr. Panaretoff.

Another gentleman, a well-known citizen of Boston, who has had as intimate relations with Robert College as perhaps any other living American, also protests to us in a letter in which he says:

I have known Stephen Panaretoff for more than forty years. Much of that time he was almost the same as one of our family. He was one of the early graduates of Robert College, and as tutor and then professor has been there ever since until he was called to be the Minister of Bulgaria to the United States. His ideals and sympathies are all American, and his wife is an American lady from Andover.

This testimony as to Minister Panaretoff's personal honor and loyalty, taken with other evidence of the same sort, comes with such authority that we accept it without question. But the very fact that he is a loyal and honorable man makes it all the more his moral duty to be a loyal pro-German. For his country, of which he is the official representative in America, is an ally of Germany. If he is not pro-German, he has no right to hold the office of Bulgarian Minister. If he is pro-German, he should not hold an official position in Washington, the very source of all the energy and plans of the United States in its prosecution of the war against Germany. Is it not an illustration of the curious muddled state of feeling in this country about the war that his intimate friends fail to see that the very essence of loyalty and honor prevents him from being pro-American and pro-Bulgarian at the same time? We do not for a moment assert that he will pursue the ignominious methods of a von Papen or a Bernstorff, but we do assert that it is his duty to transmit to his country, Bulgaria, any information about war activities in the United States which comes to his hands, and that it is, in turn, the duty of Bulgaria to transmit such information to Germany. If Minister Panaretoff does not do this, he is a disloyal Bulgarian Minister; if he does do it, he is a menace to the United States in its prosecution of the war. It may be debated whether it is wise and expedient for the

United States Government to declare war upon Bulgaria as it has declared war upon Austria, but, in our judgment, it is not debatable that the consistent and wise course for the United States Government to pursue would be to break off diplomatic relations with Bulgaria as long as Bulgaria remains an ally of our arch-enemy, Germany.

THE UNREST IN GERMANY

Simultaneously with the reports that strong repressive measures adopted by the German Government had put an end to the extensive strikes at many places came a new report of a labor outbreak at Jena, where a third of the workmen have gone out on strike. This new strike is a protest against the recent conviction of Dittmann, a Socialist who had led a former strike.

The German papers, evidently under orders from the Government, have done their best to minimize the recent industrial disturbances. But their very efforts in this direction have served to emphasize the seriousness of the revolt. When the Government finds it necessary to court-martial industrial workers in a building closed to the public and guarded by bayonets, its alarm is great. It may very likely be that bayonets and machine guns may keep the mob of Berlin and other cities in subjection for the time being, but this will not destroy industrial demands and deep dissatisfaction. The Socialist paper • Vorwärts is right when it says that this movement comes from the workers' fear that they have been misled, and adds : They want food and peace and Germany free outwardly and inwardly. Any attempt to hold them by force is dangerous. All thoughts of an attempt to force on the people aims which prolong the war, aims for which they never fought, or to keep from the people their promised rights, can only work as disintegrating factors. That to-day is our greatest danger.

The world has awakened rather slowly to the German designs for domination over" Mittel-Europa." But few know that she plots what we may truly call a "Mittel-Afrika ". a solid belt of territory across the Dark Continent.

When peace terms are discussed, there is a tendency to speak of Germany's African colonies, now in our Allies' hands, as a mere diplomatic make-weight, to be kept or restored according as other concessions are made or refused on either side. Any one who doubts whether Africa enters largely into Germany's plan of world domination would do well to read a convincing article by Dr. William S. Rainsford in the New York "Tribune for January 22 last. Dr. Rainsford knows Africa as few Americans do. Long residence there, extensive travel and exploration, knowledge of traders, officials, and missionaries, have all helped to make him familiar with its racial and political aspects. He finds that one end only has directed Germany's African policy-the future domination of the continent. And he supports this belief with strong evidence. Always he finds that she has beaten down natives, worried her territorial neighbors, and shown deliberate purpose" to do in Africa what Englishman, Boer, Frenchman, Belgian, Portuguese have so far not only refrained from doing, but have pledged themselves for Afrika's advantage never to do, and that is this: Germany has proved her intention of building up in Central Africa a military state. How would she build up her Mittel-Afrika? Dr. Rainsford replies to this question as follows:

Germany's plan for Africa is an exact counterpart of her plan for middle Europe. She aims to establish a solid belt of territory between the Indian Ocean and the Southern Atlantic. By doing so she would cut the continent in two. She would again divide her enemies and rivals, she would keep them divided. She would

A YEAR OF RUTHLESS SUBMARINE WARFARE

February 1, 1917, was the date fixed by Germany for the beginning of its indiscriminate attacks on merchant vessels, enemy and neutral alike. It marked off vast zones of the world's ocean, and threatened death to all who would not comply with its humiliating and lawless conditions.

The most noticeable result, as a German Socialist has said, was to bring the United States into the war. It is certain that Germany took this risk deliberately, believing that her submarines would end the war within a few months. This was the boast of many German writers, and German officials predicted a loss to her enemies of a million tons a month. But instead of 12,000,000 tons of shipping in the year just ended, the actual loss of all nations is put by careful estimates at little over half this amount. The total number of ships sunk is about 2,000; the British list includes 1,190. The British reports do not, for sound naval reasons, give the exact tonnage of the ships sunk, but classify them as above or below 1,600 tons. From this a fair average estimate can be made. Norway has been the next largest sufferer, with a loss of about 300 ships. The United States has lost 69.

Two or three conclusions are evident: First, the dreaded increase in the number of active submarines has not appeared. This is believed to be largely because of the difficulty in making the right kind of marine engines fast enough. Second, there has been no steady rise in the number of vessels sunk; the record for the last six months is smaller than that for the first six months; thus, the average for the four weeks of January was thirteen, as compared with an average of twenty-three a week for the three preceding months. Third, the ship-building of the Allies has so nearly kept up with the destruction that the danger of defeat by submarine in 1918 is surely averted.

In short, Germany has failed of her purpose. The submarine has done great mischief and will do more, but it will not win the war for Germany. The murder of non-combatants has left Her an indelible brand of shame on Germany as a nation. people may well begin to ask if the gains are worth what they cost in loss of honor.

FROM THE WAR FRONTS

The most interesting news from the war fronts, so far as Americans are concerned, is a report from the American army in France. It seems that on February 3 an artillery battle of considerable extent took place between the German and American gunners on that portion of the line which, as Secretary Baker has just officially announced, is held by American forces as a unit. This engagement, while not of enormous importance in itself, was the first in which our artillery, acting on its own initiative, has engaged. It is therefore a matter of pride to all of us at home to read that the American commanders are elated by the skill and promptness with which our guns and gunners met the attack. When the Germans, after the usual preliminary bombardment, sent up a red rocket calling for their guns to place a barrage to cover a German advance, the American artillery answered the enemy's signal quicker than its own guns could by placing its own barrage or curtain of fire in front of the enemy's lines, and thereby stopping the threatened attack. In every way our artillery did good work and proved its thorough training.

The Italian armies in the week ending February 6, despite the hard winter conditions, drove an offensive forward against the Austrian lines on the Brenta River front, gained new advance positions on Monte Rosso and Monte Val Bella, and