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as to menace the lives of women and who settled Jamestown, bringing out the children immediately in front of the fact that, while the English colonial stock speakers stand, and the President, with has left a deeper mark on our National his usual tact and quickness of action, life, both the environment and the pressprang to his feet and appealed to the men, ence of other stocks have differentiated in front of him to protect the women in the American people, almost from the good Virginia fashion. At the close of beginning, from European peoples. The the address, through a lane in the crowd, story of the conquest of the country and the President walked to the Administra- the land, of the growth of the early tion Building, where luncheon was served. settlements, was briefly and vividly told. It was noted that some of the foreign Touching on the task of achieving indeattachés who were not accustomed to pendence accomplished by the men of American lunches did not know how to the Revolutionary period, the President avail themselves of their opportunities said: “To Virginia was reserved the and went without food. There was a honor of producing the hero of both review of troops on the Lee Parade im- movements, the hero of the war and of mediately after the luncheon, after which the peace that made good the results of the President took his stand at the door the war–George Washington ; while the of the Administration Building and shook two great political tendencies of the time hands with about six hundred people. can be symbolized by the names of two In the evening the entire feet in the other great Virginians- Jefferson and Roadstead was brilliantly illuminated. Marshall—from one of whom we inherit The grounds and buildings are not yet the abiding trust in the people which is completely finished, and it will probably the foundation store of democracy, and be several weeks before everything is in from the other the power to develop on order, but the general effects are impress- behalf of the people a coherent and ive, and, barring the delays which always powerful government, a genuine and attend the inauguration of such great representative nationality.” enterprises, the Jamestown Exposition The President's characterization of the promises to be one of the most success- second great crisis, the Civil War, ought ful, as it certainly must be in some ways to be posted in every school-room in the the most interesting, of the great national country as the view of a broad-minded fairs.

and devoted patriot, who is able, as was The President's speech rose fully to Lincoln, to rise above the mists of misthe occasion ; there is probably no man understanding and to grasp the essential in the Nation who could, with greater truth out of the confusion and distorinsight and sympathy, describe and ap- tions of the passion of the hour : praise at their true value the work of the

Oh, my hearers, my fellow-countrymen, discoverers, explorers, and settlers of the

great indeed has been our good fortune; for continent. After a cordial and frater- as time clears away the mists that once nal greeting to the representatives of shrouded brother from brother and made the foreign Powers, and especially to

each look “as through a glass darkly” at those of Great Britain, from whence

the other, we can all feel the same pride in

the valor, the devotion, the fealty toward the there came to this country both the right as it was given to each to see the right, Cavalier and the Puritan type, our lan- shown alike by the men who wore the blue guage, our law, our literature, and a

and by the men who wore the gray. Rich great fund of common thought and ex

and prosperous though we are as a people,

the proudest heritage that each of us has, perience, the President emphasized the no matter where he may dwell, North or great change in relations between the South, East or West, is the immaterial herinations, and declared that all true

tage of feeling, the right to claim as his own

all the valor and all the steadfast devotion to patriots now earnestly wish that the duty shown by the men of both the great nations may advance hand in hand, armies, of the soldiers whose leader was “ united only in a generous rivalry to see

Grant and the soldiers whose leader was Lee. which can best do its allotted work in

The men and the women of the Civil War

did their duty bravely and well in the days the world." He described rapidly and

that were dark and terrible and splendid. picturesquely the character of the men

We, their desc ints, who pay proud hom

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age to their memories and glory in the feats that we will not tolerate the abuses of propof might of one side no less than of the erty. other, need to keep steadily in mind that the homage which counts is the homage of heart

In closing, the President declared that and of hand, and not of the lips; the homage the Republic shall never become a govof deeds and not of words only. We, too, in ernment of plutocracy, or the government our turn, must prove our truth by our endeavor. We must show ourselves worthy fathers meant it to be: a government in

of a mob; that it shall remain what the sons of the men of the mighty days by the way in which we meet the problems of our which each man stands on his worth as own time.

a man, where each can have the largest The President spoke frankly of present- personal liberty consistent with securing day dangers, declaring that the work of the well-being of the whole, and where this generation is social and industrial; the effort is consistently made to secure that it behooves us to remember that for each man such equality of opportunity men can never escape being governed, that he may have a fair chance to show either they must govern themselves or

the stuff that is in him. they must submit to being governed by others. We are called upon to deal with an industrial situation in which combina- Two Radical Remedies tion, alike in the world of capital and the world of labor, is the chief factor,

The article on another page on “ The In a few passages the President summed New York Police” has been carefully veriup the spirit of his endeavor to secure

fied by the editors of The Outlook. Its rigid enforcement of law, the supremacy accuracy may be trusted by our readers. of the Government, the proper regulation The evils which our contributor describes both of capital and labor in the interests

are due primarily to a thoroughly bad of the people, preserving at once the organization. The policemen are neither integrity of popular rule and the sacred- better nor worse than their fellow-citizens. ness of private rights:

They are average men. If they have

more than average courage, it is because At the moment the greatest problem before

their profession develops courage. If us is how to exercise such control over the business use of vast wealth, individual, but

as a class they have less than average especially corporate, as will insure its not honesty, it is because the organization being used against the interest of the public, develops dishonesty. Radical evils call while yet permitting such ample legitimate

for radical remedies. The evils which profits as will encourage individual initiative.

our contributor describes—and in his It is our business to put a stop to abuses description he exaggerates nothing and and to prevent their recurrence, without

sets down naught in malice-are radical; showing a spirit of mere vindictiveness for what has been done in the past.

we here suggest certain radical remedies.

I. The head of the police force has a Burke combined unshakable resolution in temporary tenure of office; his subor pressing the reform, with a profound temper- dinates have a permanent tenure. He ateness of spirit which made him, while bent on the extirpation of the evil system, refuse

may be turned out of office at any electo cherish an unreasoning and vindictive ill

tion and is likely to be ; his subordiwill toward the men who had benefited by it. nates cannot be discharged for even Said Burke, "If I cannot reform with equity, inefficiency and incompetency without I will not reform at all. [There is] a State to preserve as well as a State to re

legal evidence sufficient to satisfy a court form."

of justice of their offense. The inevi

table result is that the permanent force We are unalterably determined to prevent look down upon their temporary com. wrongdoing in the future; we have no inten

mander. To win his approval is tion of trying to wreak such an indiscriminate vengeance for wrongs done in the past object; to suffer his disapproval is no as would confound the innocent with the disadvantage. Discipline under such a guilty.

system is impossible.

The conditions should be reversed. Our purpose is to build up rather than to tear down. We show ourselves the truest

The office of Police Commissioner should. friends of property when we make it evident be non-political; its tenure should be

no

as

man

measurably permanent. There is which courts martial have in the army and good reason for making it both non

navy.

If any change is to be made, ibere.

fore, it seems to me it would be best to have political and permanent as for so mak

a judge something akin to a judge-advocate ing the office of judge. The Police in the army appointed by the Appellate Di Commissioner should be selected for vision of the Supreme Court, who should be his executive abilities as the judge is

a lawyer of good standing and a man of the selected for his judicial abilities; and, salary somewhat near to that of the Com:

highest integrity, who should be given a being selected, he should hold his office

missioner himself. Before him all the trials for at least half a score of years. Twice should be held in all parts of the Greater that term would be better. Nor should New York, and before him the Third Dephe be removable except as a judge is

uty Commissioner could act as prosecutor. removable—upon charges and after trial. Mr. McAdoo would have no appeal to

On the other hand, the tenure of the the courts from this Judge-Advocate's policeman should not be permanent decision except in cases where it was The policeman is a private soldier. He disapproved by the Commissioner. might be enlisted as the soldier is, for Whether this specific plan is adopted or a brief term. But if he were enlisted for not—and there are some manifest advangood behavior, the question whether his tages in this plan—the essential prin. behavior is good or not ought not to be ciple is that the discipline of the police left to the civil courts. It ought not to force should not be dependent upon the be assumed that he has a right to his judgment of the civil courts. That is office and can be deprived of it only by fatal to all discipline. When a legal evidence of illegal conduct. The enters the army, he does so knowing that police is essentially a military force ; it his rights as a soldier are dependent should be organized on military princi- upon a military tribunal. When a man ples. The Police Commissioner should enters the police force, he should underhave power over the force analogous to stand that his rights as a policeman are that exercised by the Commander-in- dependent upon a police tribunal. Chief over an army. The absolute power II. In a democratic community it is of dismissal ought not to be lodged in very difficult to enforce a law which directhis hands. The private policeman should ly affects the entire community, if the pubhave the same right to a court martial lic opinion of the community is opposed that is enjoyed by the officers in the to its enforcement. The excise laws. army. But the court martial should be which it is the duty of the police in New no more subject to review by the civil York to enforce, are enacted by the pubcourts in the one case than in the other. lic sentiment of the rural community and A court martial is as competent to ad- are opposed to the public sentiment of the minister justice as a civil court. For municipality. To a large proportion of the purpose of maintaining an efficient the citizens of New York City it appears police or military organization it is far to be no more wicked to drink beer and more competent. Injustice might some- wine than to drink tea and coffee, and times be done to individual policemen no more wicked to drink them on Sunby a court martial, as injustice is some days than on week days. The policetimes done to individual citizens by the are chosen from this community, civil courts. The risk would be no share its opinions, and have no inclinagreater in the one case than in the other. tion to earn its ill will by a rigid enforceBut even if it were greater, it would be ment of liquor laws which they do not better to hazard an occasional injustice believe in. But a lax enforcement of to an individual than to inflict, as now, these laws furnishes great opportunities a chronic and continuing injustice on and therefore great temptations to corthe whole community.

ruption. There is but one radical remedy Mr. William McAdoo, recently Police it is to extend over the cities the local Commissioner, has proposed a definite option law which is now confined to the plan to secure this result.

rural communities and to extend over I am convinced that the Legislature will

Sunday the local option principle which not give to a single Commissioner the power is now applied only to the week days.

a

men

He says:

The Legislature should allow the cities a distinct advance in this respect by the to vote, either as cities, or by districts appointment of three new police magisspecifically defined, on the two questions, trates. But these and kindred reforms, first, Shall any sale of liquor be allowed? where they are needed, would surely and and, second, Shall it be allowed on Sun- not slowly follow the adoption of the days? If New York voted to allow a two radical principles which we have Sunday sale, the privilege of illicit sale suggested—the first, giving to the Police could no longer be bought from police Commissioner a really effective power men; if it voted against Sunday sale, of discipline such as the New York the enforcement of its decision would be Commissioner does not now possess; far easier than is now the enforcement the second, giving to the citizens of the of a decision imposed on the city by the cities the same power to regulate the country districts. In either case the liquor traffic which in New York State opportunities and the temptations to is now by law given to the people of the corruption would be lessened. There rural districts. is sufficient local sentiment against public prostitution and public gambling to make possible the enforcement of the

A Proven Failure laws against both. What makes this now difficult is that they join their forces Once more a State Legislature has with those of the saloon.

displayed its incompetence for the task Another possible remedy would be a of electing a United States Senator. For State police, officered and directed by the rest of the year, at least, Rhode State authorities to enforce the laws of Island will have to remain but half repthe State. But this would be so con- resented in the Senate. After a deadtrary to the traditions and habits of the lock lasting over three months, and inpeople that it need not be here con- volving eighty-one ballots, the Legislature sidered. For the present, at least, a has adjourned without selecting a sucState constabulary would be possible cessor to Senator Wetmore. only as a supplement to, not as a substi- Almost every year has been marked tute for, local police.

by one or more such deadlocks. UsuIII. Other methods of securing an ally they have not been, like this, unefficient and honest police organization, broken. Most of them have ended in a though less radical, are not less impor- compromise or a stampede. Even in tant. In every city, as according to the those cases, however, the result has been new law it is now in New York, the hardly less unfortunate. Candidates detective bureau should be under the chosen after such long and wearisome autocratic authority of the Commissioner, ballotings, when every legislator, exaswho should have power to appoint to perated by what he regards as the ob. that service and to remove from it with- stinacy of opposing factions, is subjected out giving any account of what he had

to enormous pressure from party leaders, done or why he had done it. In every are not likely to be those that calm city such secret societies as those which judgment would select. From 1891 to our contributor describes should be and including 1905 there were forty-six

Belonging to such a society deadlocks. In fourteen of them there should be sufficient reason for instant was no election. In those fifteen years discharge from the service. The police about one-half of the States of the Union should be encouraged to maintain organi- suffered from such protracted contests, zations for fellowship and for self-help, and several States because of them were but they should be open, not secret, deprived of equal representation in the societies. Police magistrates should be Senate. . secured who would count it their duty These facts, together with others conto co-operate with the police in protect- cerning the practical effect of intrusting ing society, not to work against the police the election of Senators to State Legisin protecting the criminal classes. In latures, are presented effectively in the New ork Mayor McClellan has made volume by George H. Haynes, Ph.D.,

broken up.

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entitled “The Election of Senators,” made a mess of its undertaking to act
published by Henry Holt & Co. in as a Senatorial electoral college.
the series known as American Public The worst of the present method of
Problems. Dr. Haynes gives the argu- ' choosing Senators, however, is not that
ments both for and against the present it is inefficient; that would be only a
system. Although in his own opinion negative fault. The worst of it is that it
the gains from popular election, secured is positively pernicious in its effect. It
by amendment to the Constitution, would has done injury to the character of the
outweigh the losses, he puts the argu- Senate, and it has done much to degrade
ments against popularelection as strongly the State Legislatures.
as those in support of it. The history What effect legislative election has
of Senatorial elections as he recounts had upon the Senate can be illustrated
it is full of intrigue, bargaining, and ob- easily from the State of New York. No
structionist tactics, and is even marred one imagines that either Mr. Thomas C.
by scenes of violence. If the reading of Platt or Mr. Chauncey M. Depew is
the plain facts there set down tends to really representative of the State.
diminish one's respect for the United Both are rich men, with corporate affili-
States Senate, it reduces still more one's ations. Neither would now be in pub-
respect for State Legislatures.

lic office if he had to rely on the suf-
In view of this sorry record, it is not frage of the people of the State. They
surprising to learn that since 1890 more are both in the Senate simply because the
than two-thirds of the State Legislatures, New York Legislature has been ame-
confessing as it were their own short- nable to the influence of small but
comings, have signified to Congress ap- powerful bodies of men who wished to
proval of direct election of Senators by put them there. These two Senators
the people, and that in a vote in the are extreme cases of a class of men who
House of Representatives on a Resolu- have succeeded in getting into the Sen-
tion proposing a Constitutional Amend- ate. If a rich man wishes to buy a high
ment to provide for such direct election, office for himself, he looks first to the
the delegations of all but two States in- Senate. He does so because he knows
dorsed the proposition. In addition, in that whereas a whole State may not be
three States, California, Nevada, and purchasable, a Legislature may be. The
Illinois, a popular referendum has been general distrust of the United States
taken on the subject. The majority in Senate is not based on vain imagination.
favor of the change was in each instance It is the character of the Senate that has
overwhelming: in Illinois it was nearly furnished material for most of the argu-
six to one; in Nevada nearly eight to ments against legislative election.
one; and in California it was over four- Upon Legislatures the ill effect is even
teen to one. As these and other like more clear. It is to the State Legisla-
expressions of opinion have not been ture that are intrusted the powers of
confined to any one section, so they government which affect the citizen most
have not been confined to any one year. intimately. His life is safeguarded, his
They have been both widespread and property held, even his family made legiti-
continuous. The action, or rather the inate, by virtue of the Legislature's action;
inaction, of the Rhode Island Legisla- and his taxes are levied principally in
ture will add a new bit of evidence to accordance with State laws. It is there-
that which has already created this pub- fore to his interest that the Legislature
lic sentiment. It is true that the result should be mainly concerned with the
in Rhode Island is not without its en- affairs not of the Nation but of the State.
couraging aspects; it has proved, for Yet it is indubitable that the function of
instance, that the supporters of the inter- electing Federal Senators has done more
ests of the people can be quite as im- than anything else to divert the mind of
movable as the sycophants of the wealthy State legislators from the affairs of the
or the henchmen of a boss. But this State to the affairs of the Nation. Not
does not in the least obscure the fact only that, it has diverted it to those
that once again a State Legislature has affairs of the Nation which are of least

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