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another of the defendants in the criminal conspiracy, remarked that it was "hard luck." The last chapter in chapter in the career of this admitted assassin was the killing of ex-Governor Steunenburg by means of a bomb attached to his gate. Until that crime Orchard had escaped arrest. All the time that his criminal career lasted he lived, he says, on the funds of the organization and was in the confidence of the officers. They complimented him when he succeeded in accomplishing his murderous work, and they consoled him when he failed. They urged him on, after setting out the work for him to do. It was under the instructions of the officers of the organization that he made three attempts to assassinate ex-Governor Peabody, of Colorado. On each occasion. his intended victim was saved by a mere chance. It was on the orders of Moyer, Haywood, and Pettibone that he watched the house of Sherman Bell, in Denver, looking for an opportunity to shoot him through a window. It was by their direction that he planted a bomb at Justice Goddard's gate, which was discovered before it accomplished its mission of death. They sent him from Denver to Idaho under orders to kill Governor Steunenberg, while Haywood made the remark that if he succeeded, and then went to Paterson, New Jersey, and wrote a few letters to mine-owners calling their attention to the murder and warning them that their turn would come next, it would have a good effect. Haywood said that would be almost as good as killing them, because then they would be living in constant dread and would be afraid to oppose the union rule. All this was in substance the story told by Orchard on the witness-stand, but the amount of credence to be given it is something the jury has not yet determined. It has been shown on crossexamination that the witness is a bigamist; that he has been a hard drinker and an inveterate gambler all the time he has lived in the West; that he was in the pay of detectives for a railway in Colorado when he first met the defendants; that he first suggested the idea of blowing up the Vindicator mine; that he was an ore thief while he worked
in the mines; and that he tried to sell intelligence to the State authorities or the mine-owners or both while he was, as he claims, the paid assassin of the unions. Other black spots in his career have been brought to light which have a tendency to discredit him as a witness. One thing is certain: the crimes he has described were committed in the manner he has outlined, and he furnished a mass of minute details that it would appear impossible to supply unless his story is true. The jury, which is swom to weigh the evidence and do even justice between the State and the defendant, is an intelligent and representative one. With one exception, the twelve men of the jury are men over fifty years of age. Nine of them are American born, two were born in Scotland, and one in Canada. All are men who know what it means to meet obstacles and overcome them. They have all been farmers in Idaho or other sections of the West, and have been described as of the class of empire-builders who have transformed the arid desert with its wastes of sage-brush into fertile farms and blooming orchards. They know little of labor unions, and they do not believe in a class struggle. Haywood's counsel appear satisfied with the jury, but pointed out that out of between two and three hundred men summoned for jury service only three or four were labor union men. There can hardly be a doubt that the jury will return a verdict in accordance with the evidence, and those who are inclined to condemn one side or the other in this trial may well await that verdict before passing judgment.
nsion, because industrial education as s understood to-day in Germany has en most largely applied in this counto those schools which are engaged training men and women to become ciently self-supporting in various des, such as carpentry, steam-fitting, cklaying, dressmaking, millinery, mane sewing, and the like. President posevelt, in his recent Western trip, de an address at the State Agriculal College at Lansing, Michigan, a ge part of which was devoted to a nsideration of the need in this country industrial education, and to a correcn of false notions about it. He made ht of the fear of pauper labor, against ose competition it is so often alleged at the American workingman needs otection. What we have to fear, espeally when we contend for our share of e world's markets, "is the competition the highly skilled workingman of e countries of greatest industrial effiency."
We have been fond, as a nation, of speak g of the dignity of labor, meaning thereby anual labor. Personally, I don't think that e begin to understand what a high place anual labor should take; and it never can ke this high place unless it offers scope e best type of man. We have tended to gard education as a matter of the head ly, and the result is that a great many of ar people, themselves the sons of men who orked with their hands, seem to think that ey rise in the world if they get into a sition where they do no hard manual work hatever; where their hands will grow soft nd their working clothes will be kept clean. uch a conception is both false and mishievous. There are, of course, kinds of bor where the work must be purely mental, nd there are other kinds of labor where, nder existing conditions, very little demand deed is made upon the mind, though I m glad to say that I think the proportion of en engaged in this kind of work is diminshing. But in any healthy community, in ny community with the great solid qualities which alone make a really great nation, the ulk of the people should do work which nakes demands upon both the body and the nind. Progress cannot permanently consist in the abandonment of physical labor, but in the development of physical labor so that it shall represent more and more the Work of the trained mind in the trained body.
It is quite true that a boy must be trained to think well before he can act well. But thinking that is not, followed
by some form of definite action becomes merely a form of amusement. Philosophical speculation, literary analysis, art criticism, are important, but they are a means to, not an end of, education. Those teachers who are endeavoring to carry on, in conjunction with that booklearning which Matthew Arnold calls knowing the best that has been said and thought in the world, the development of skill in some sort of handicraft, are exerting an educational influence in the country that is greatly needed.
Two men, young in years A Political and not old in political exSiege perience, have effected great transformations in their respective States. One is Senator Everett Colby, of New Jersey; the other, Mr. Winston Churchill, of New Hampshire. At a mass-meeting in Newark, New Jersey, last week, both these men were present. The occasion was marked by a spirit which we believe this country. It is a spirit, not of mere is increasing in influence and power in pride and party names, or ambition for public office, much less of desire for personal gain, but rather an eagerness in the public service. Naturally, such a spirit does not display itself in any rapid organization. It is true that in New Jersey there is the New Idea wing of the Republican party, and in New Hampshire there are the Lincoln Republicans; but in neither State is there even the germ of a new party. There is what is rather a new kind of political ambition. It is this ambition which Mr. Colby expressed in these words:
What is more, we are not trying to make a killing in one grand-stand campaign, but instead we are inaugurating a veritable siege of reason that will ultimately starve the bosses out of business, for reason means thought, and thought means growth and the progress of ideas, and the political boss who is made to feed on ideas soon gets bloodpoisoning and retires from the field. You cannot kill a sound idea that is based on reason and the right of the people to control their own government. Let a sound idea once take root and it gathers unto itself all the elements of truth, as a plant gathers in moisture from the air and licks it up from the soil..
If Mr. Churchill's address was more pugnacious than Mr. Colby's, it exhibited
the same kind of spirit, for it was directed, not against political opponents, but against those politicians and those corporation managers who are indifferent to the public interests. It is this spirit that makes the present reform movements likely to endure.
The Republicans assembled in State Convention last week in Pennsylvania recorded their approval of two men-one eminent in the Nation, the other in the State. By their indorsement of Senator Knox as a candidate for the Republican Presidential nomination, they brought before the people of the Nation a name which has been mentioned in connection with the Presidency only in personal conversations or in the newspapers. There is in this public indorsement unquestionably a genuine sentiment, not merely of admiration for Senator Knox personally, but also of confidence in the principles for which he has stood and the methods which he has followed while he has been in public office. He appeals to men of conservative cast of mind; but it is noteworthy that the reason which the Republicans gave for his indorsement was the efficiency with which he had carried out what seems to many to be the radical policy of the President. They incorporated in the declarations of their platform these words concerning Mr. Knox uttered by President Roosevelt last October:
During the last few years the National Government has taken very strong strides in the direction of exercising and securing adequate control over the great corporations, and it was under the leadership of one of the most honored public men in our country, one of Pennsylvania's most eminent sonsthe present Senator and then AttorneyGeneral Knox-that the new departure was begun.
The Convention also took notable action in nominating for the office of State Treasurer Mr. John C. Sheatz, of Philadelphia. Mr. Sheatz, when in the Legislature, acted valiantly on behalf of the Personal Registration Bill. His course for a time was so bravely solitary that he seemed well on his way to retirement
The Louisville Election Contest
A victory on behalf of the freedom of the ballot was lately won in Kentucky. The Court of Appeals of that State has handed down a decision in a group of cases popularly known as the Louisville Election Contest, and has thus brought to an end a piece of litiga tion unparalleled in the State. It decides that the election in Louisville in Novem ber, 1905, involving the election of all municipal officers and almost all the county officers, is void. The election was characterized by great violence and gross frauds. The "City Club," a non-partisan organization joined with the Republican party, was defeated; the "machine" "won. Election contests, begun within two weeks after the elections, were carried through the courts. Attorneys on behalf of the contestants served without remuneration. Citizens subscribed $35,000 to help pay the cost of the litigation. Chancellors of the Circuit Court heard testimony and arguments, and over sixteen months after the election decided that the election was valid. The case was at once appealed. Within a little more than a month the Court of Appeals, composed of five Democrats and one Republican, reversed the decision, decided against the Democratic "machine," asserted that it was impossible to deter mine who was elected, and declared every office involved in the election to be vacant. The positions made vacant are to be filled by appointment; until these appointments are made the contestees will continue to discharge the duties of the offices. It was shown that polling-places had been raided, ballots had been burned, police had refused protection, Republican officials had been repressed and supplanted
by Democrats, and other outrages committed. With majorities on the face of the returns ranging from 4,000 to 6,000, the number of voters disfranchised numbered 6,292. At the same time the Court condemns certain unfair practices of certain of the Fusionists. The Court comments bitterly upon the action of the police in refusing to testify and taking shelter under the law forbidding selfincrimination :
Suppose a secret murder had been committed, and the police on that beat, when asked about it, should say, "I decline to answer, for fear of incriminating myself." This, under the rule invoked, would protect the witness from answering, but how long would it justify his retention on the roll of police?
Yet, the Court points out, such police have been retained in their places by their beneficiaries. The conspiracy to steal the election, the Court says, is as plain as the conspiracy which was charged against King George and the Council to rob the colonies of their rights. The Court adds:
No people can be said to govern themselves whose elections are controlled by force, fraud, or fear. ... No people are wholly civilized where a distinction is drawn between stealing an office and stealing a purse.
The effect of the decision will be to put heart into those everywhere who are
since dead and buried, has actually carried on business under another name— that of the Honduras Lottery Companyall these years, illustrates the difficulty of dealing radically with what The Outlook long ago characterized as a "widespread and corrupt form of gambling." The victory won in the passage of the Federal law in 1895 was indeed a great one. It was the outcome of a moral campaign of supreme importance waged against a vicious power intrenched behind political and personal influences. Already Louisiana had, to its undying honor, rejected a proffered bribe of $31,000,000 for the renewal of the lottery charter, and the power of the lottery had been restricted by stringent State legislation the country over. In 1877 Congress had forbidden the transportation of lottery tickets and advertisements by mail; but this proved ineffective, as the matter was shipped by express. The new law prohibited absolutely the shipment of lottery tickets and advertisements from State to State by means of the express or any other agency. The constitutionality of this provision was contested in the courts, but was finally established by a drastic decision of the Supreme Court. The fight in Congress to secure this legislation was a memorable one, and our readers will recall the notable part taken by the late Senator Hoar,
fighting against the tyranny of political of Massachusetts, by General George D.
Twelve years ago, A New Anti-Lottery when the National Victory anti-lottery law was signed, The Outlook said: "The long fight for anti-lottery legislation, which began in several States sixty years ago, has now triumphed in every State in the Union and in the National Government.
The lottery is now an outlaw from one end to another of our country. . . The fight is finished, and we can press on to new conflicts with greater faith and courage." But an editorial in one of the daily papers last week begins with these words: "The Federal Government has won another notable victory in its long campaign to stamp out the lottery evil." The fact that the Louisiana Lottery, supposed by most people to be long
Johnston, of Louisiana, and by Dr. Samuel H. Woodbridge, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; while The Outlook inay be permitted to mention also the special series of articles written for its columns by the late Charles B. Spahr, then a member of its staff, who visited Louisiana under commission from The Outlook to study the subject thoroughly in all its bearings and to carry on as well in its editorial columns an energetic war against what was regarded as a National evil of portentous proportions.
Mobile to indictments charging conspiracy to cause the inter-State carriage of lottery advertisements. As reported in the press, they also agreed to surrender to the Government for destruction a large quantity of lottery tickets, plates, and other paraphernalia, and to sell out a printing establishment in Wilmington, Delaware, where for years the lottery tickets have been surreptitiously printed. The aggregate of fines imposed on these defendants amounted to $284,000; but of far more importance than the fines Iwas the virtual admission that it was impossible for such a gambling association longer to exist and do business in the United States. Some of the defendants are men of social standing and prominence, which adds to the disgracefulness of their conduct. The story told of the subterfuge and trickery employed by the Honduras Lottery Company, the managers of which were the successors of the officers of the old Louisiana Lottery Company, is a singular illustration of the persistence of lawbreakers when large profits are in sight. A private printing house was maintained with elaborate secrecy in Wilmington to prepare the tickets and circulars; these were taken as personal baggage by messengers to New York; thence in separate packages to Washington; and thence to various cities throughout the country used as centers of operation. The officers and agents of the company operated under assumed names and used a secret code. The drawings were held at Puerto Cortez in Honduras, and to this point every month were taken the ex-Confederate officers whose names were used as a guarantee of good faith and who personally superintended the drawings. Lists of the winning numbers were brought back to this country by these persons, were printed in Mobile, Alabama, and thence were sent to the State agencies through the country. To carry out this complicated machinery both State and National laws were violated every day, and as it has been held that it is a violation of the National law not only actually to transport lottery tickets and circulars from State to State, but also to do acts which would amount to a conspiracy having that transportation as its
object and intention, the case against the directors, stockholders, and agents of the Honduras Lottery Company was considered by the Government to be complete. The fact that pleas of guilty were entered by those accused and the fines paid seem to show that they also believed that they had no adequate defense. Thus a new, and what we may with considerable confidence hope will prove to be a final, victory over the lottery forces has been won. To quote the concise comment of the New York Tribune, the lottery is " opposed to good morals, and, like the race-track evil, breeds only indolence, degeneration, and crime. The Government's successful crusade against the lottery is a material gain for public decency and social prog
The Legislature of Missouri Legislation Missouri, with the An Unfair Law formal executive approval of Governor Folk, has established a precedent of very doubtful character through the enactment of a law requiring civic leagues and similar organizations not only to file full statements of their campaign contributions and disbursements (to which no one could take any reasonable exception), but to publish the names of their informants and the entire information upon which their recommendations to vote either for or against candidates may be based. The bill likewise brings such organizations within the provisions of the libel act, as applied to newspapers, and endeavors to make them as fully responsible for their utterances as newspapers. The bill is primarily aimed at the Kansas City Civic League, which for some years past has exercised a wholesome influence in that community through its criticism of the records of public officials and through its investigation of the character and antecedents of candidates for public office. If the State of Missouri is successful in putting such organizations out of business, or of seriously curtailing their usefulness, we may look for a general effort throughout the country in the same direction, because civic and voters' leagues are increasing in number and efficiency, and are becoming