Behind a strong but filmy veil of satire always most gracefully disposed,' Mr. Howells presents many obvious and deplorable truths. The fact that he occupies himself with them, however, is an evidence that he has hopes of America. Aristides Homos is sent from Altruria to visit the United States in 1893. He writes of his impressions to an Altrurian friend. These letters show the wide difference between actual and ideal civilization. They abound in delicate irony, assumed innocence, and brilliant strokes of wit. In an introduction Mr. Howells gives reign to his convictions, and by means of a witty device holds up a mirror before us that is quite unflattering. He explains, gently, that Mr. Homos could not do exact justice to the superior heroism of charity and self-sacrifice as practiced in countries where people live upon each other as the Americans do, instead of for each other as the Altrurians do." Later, he reflects upon the difficulties of doing good in America. Yet, he says, nany Americans take the cruel risks of doing good, reckless of the evil that may befall them, and defiant of the upbraidings of their own hearts! Mr. Homos writes of a lady who came to New York to live and was very lonely "until she joined a church. This at once brought her a general acquaintance, and she began to find herself in society; but as soon as she did so she joined a more exclusive church, where they took no notice of strangers." This puzzled Mr. Homos, but amused the Americans. Later Mr. Homos marries an American woman and takes her and her mother to Altruria. Mrs. Homos continues the letters, giving an American's impression of Altruria. The effectiveness of this arraignment of American social life is much enhanced by Mr. Howells's inimitable way of putting things. No one can doubt his deep interest and earnestness, yet for pure delight in nimble turns of thought, in wonderful character-drawing, and in charming whimsicalities, this volume is a treasure. The reviewer is continually beset by a desire to quote some fascinatingly satirical bit, but his restraint will only leave more delightful discoveries for the reader. We cannot pray for Mr. Howells, "May his tribe increase," for he has no second in his field of literature, and his imitators are few and feeble; but we can hope that his strength will not diminish.

1 Through the Eye of the Needle. By W. D. Howells. Harper & Brothers, New York. $1.50.

"The Invader "' is founded upon the theory of dual personality, and we apprehend that the problem will prove too tempting for this to be the last story of this kind. Milly and Mildred fight for possession of one lovely person, and the effect is disastrous, as in the end Mildred the Evil triumphs and Milly the Good is forced to suicide. The story is disagreeable and at times offensive to good taste, if not to good morals.

Here is a stirring tale of clan feuds and wider-reaching enmities in Scotland during the tempestuous days of the reign of William of Orange in England. The author has drawn a finely consistent character in the unflinching Countess of Breadalbane, Margaret Campbell. There were cruel deeds done in the name of patriotism and politics in those days, and the clash of the Macdonalds and Campbells was deadly. Miss Marjorie Bowen has been able to portray the grim Highlander and his dour country with picturesque power. "The Master of Stair looms high above all others in unyielding lust of power and hardness of heart. An interesting fact in connection with the subject of this romance is reported from London. The order (consisting of twentythree lines of writing) commanding Captain Campbell, of Glenlyon, to fall upon the Macdonalds of Glencoe and put all persons under seventy to the sword, was sold at auction for $7,000. This order, executed to the letter in February, 1692, was instigated by Sir John Dalrymple, the Master of Stair, whose evil character is portrayed with much skill by Miss Marjorie Bowen.

While it is not intended that the heroine of the next novel 3 should be represented as too bright and good for human nature's daily food, yet she is rather exasperating, and one feels much more attracted to Sallie Howe, the homely little philosopher, bravely accepting life, and proving herself a marvel of loyalty to her idol, Persis Litchfield. The working out of the story shows skill and insight, and the reader is always interested. But there is a repellent hardness in Persis, and certainly an improbability in the episode upon which the friendship between the girls hangs. The author, Marion T. D. Barton, uses very cleverly a device similar to "Marjorie Daw" of loved memory. But it is incredible that any woman with the least

1 The Invader. By Margaret L. Woods. Harper & Brothers, New York. $1.50.

2 The Master of Stair. By Marjorie Bowen. McClure, Phillips & Co., New York. $1.50.

3 An Experiment in Perfection. By Marion T. D. Barton. Doubleday, Page & Co., New York. $1.50.

pliability or the faintest sense of humor should punish a petty deceit as Persis did. The fact is, Persis had too many favors from the gods, and though she was forced to develop character from her experiences, yet she continued to be self-centered and incapable of the charming spontaneity so inseparable from a fine nature.

Mrs. Thruston writes an attractive story,' as charming and as open to criticism as the vivacious yet irregular features of a pretty girl. If we stop to analyze, we are lost; so we read on, quite carried away by the daring improbability of Jenifer's behavior, yet enjoying it all. Surely no man could have drawn Jenifer. He is a woman's man, but just for that reason his inconsistencies are piquant. The story discloses a novel effect of sudden riches upon a youth brought up in poverty and obscurity. The old mountain preacher is a unique character and well worth knowing.

It is not strange that the elusive, mysterious force of electricity should fire the imagination of romancers. Following his story of "The Wire Tappers," Mr. Arthur Stringer's new book 2 leads us through the danger of live wires, and describes strange adventures involving all sorts of people-diplomats, gamblers, secret service men, and desperate women. There is decided talent shown in the management of the details of this intricate and highly sensational novel.

One pair out of the thousands of Smiths in England are selected by Keble Howard, and their every-day life is here described.3 We are warned that they are neither superior nor fashionable, but it would have been more kind to warn us that they are absolutely uninteresting. We object to the inference that superiority and fashion are required in order to be interesting.

One can but regret that Myra Kelly has deserted her East Side friends and ventured into the beaten tracks of ordinary romance. This novel has touches of humor and good characterizations, but it is not extraordinary -only one more entertaining, pleasantly written, unimportant story.

In "The Cause of Freedom," 5 by Arthur W. Marchmont, a bold English tourist in Russia with a dash of American audacity appears as the champion of a beautiful Polish maiden involved in the revolutionary plots of a secret society known as The Fraterni

ty." If our credulity had not been strengthened by much similar strong food, it would be overtaxed to learn of the succession of hairbreadth escapes and gallant rescues credited to Robert Anstruther, the hero. But, if we must read these romances, it is less fatiguing to believe than to question.

Mr. W. W. Jacobs' is always happy in the titles for his volumes of collected tales. Many of us who have chuckled over his sly, dry stories of bargemen ashore and afloat, with their unexpected turns and their odd drollity, will want to take more "Short Cruises" under his pilotage. The artist who illustrates the book catches the author's humorous twist with rare exactness.

While there are many homely scenes sufficiently true to life in this tale of "The Ministry of David Baldwin," a it lacks grace, and fails to awaken complete sympathy for the somewhat ordinary young preacher. The objections aroused against his course in the minds of the narrow-minded deacons are elaborated with care, and evidently given as specimens of recent critical warfare, but there is no spontaneous feeling in the story. It moves heavily to its rather amusing climax, where the young minister receives a vote of confidence and an increase of salary-as much because of his wife's illness as on account of his theological courage.

"In Ynde"

"In Ynde ben fulle manye dyverse contres." So wrote Sir John Maundeville a long time ago. The opinion holds good now more than ever, as one may see by glancing at the pages of two books just published on India. Mr. Sidney Low's is in part the account of the Prince of Wales's recent tour; in part the account of the author's own journeyings, investigations, and forecasts. Mr. Perceval Landon records his independent impressions. The text of both observers is original and timely. Do they describe Bombay, for instance? Low shows us a city quite unlike the idea of it which most form, a highly commercial city, it is true, but one in which the European is gradually being elbowed out by the prosperous native; and Mr. Landon impresses upon us that of all world-cities Bombay seems to have fewer threads of continuity, fewer points of reference, littler inner meaning. Again,

do these authors inform us about the Parsees? Mr. Low reveals them to us as in India cor

responding to the keen-eyed Greeks in Asia Minor, while Mr. Landon tells us that they

1 Short Cruises. By W. W. Jacobs. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York. $150. The Ministry of David Baldwin. By Henry Thomas Colestock. Thomas Y. Crowell & Co., New York. $1.50. A Vision of India. By Sidney Low. E. P. Dutton & Co., New York. $3.50, net. Under the Sun. By Perceval Landon. Doubleday, Page & Co., New York. $4, net.

are the Huguenots of the East. Both volumes are interesting because they bring before us unfamiliar aspects of familiar subjects, whether of cities or people. Mr. Landon's book, published in large, clear type and with particularly artistic illustrations, is more attractive to the eye than is Mr. Low's. But the latter atones in its ampler text. Mr. Landon's book is valuable because it comprises suggestive impressions of an acute observer as to the actual present; Mr. Low's because England's course for the future is clearly and impressively disclosed.

The Dingley tariff imposes The Tariff and duties of nearly fifty per the Trusts cent. upon dutiable imports. It oppresses the people. But AmerIcans have long been oppressed, more or less, by a high tariff. For forty years the prevailing rates of duty paid upon imports to our Government have exceeded those of any other country. Yet in recent years, by means of extraordinarily intelligent labor and no less extraordinarily improved machinery, we have been able to produce most of our highly protected products cheaper than do any of our competitors. Prior to 1890 competition among domestic producers kept down the price of many commodities; but for the past seven years competition has been largely suppressed by monopolies popularly known as "Trusts." So far as we know, not since the publication of Mr. Bolen's "Plain Facts as to the Trusts and the Tariff " has a book appeared so relentless in its indictments as is Mr. Pierce's "The Tariff and the Trusts." Take one example, the famous Standard Oil Trust. Hidden away in the free list of the Dingley Bill is the provision that petroleum shall be admitted free of duty, provided that

If there be imported into the United States crude petroleum, or the products of crude petroleum, produced in any country which imposes a duty on petroleum or its products exported from the United States, there shall in such cases be levied, paid and collected, a duty upon said crude petroleum or its products so imported equal to the duty imposed by such country. Now, Russia is the only country which can export petroleum to this country, and the Russian duty on imports of petroleum is from 150 to 250 per cent. Hence for all practical purposes the Standard Oil Company is protected from foreign competition by a duty of from 150 to 250 per cent. Almost all of our large industries protected by the tariff seem now to have formed themselves into trusts for the purpose of destroying home competition and thereby raising up to the duty line the price of the commodities which they manufacture. All these

1 The Tariff and the Trusts. By Franklin Pierce. The Macmillan Company, New York. $1.50, net.

trusts give the usual reasons for their formation-the lessening cost of manufacture, the saving of commercial agents, the division of territory between their plants, and the reduction of price to their customers. But, adds Mr. Pierce, every one of them, when it has established its control of the market, not only keeps the whole of the savings of consolidation to itself, but takes from the public considerable besides, making the selling prices much higher than they would have been under full competition. What is the remedy? A world competition. Remove the tariff. While it may not be the "mother of trusts," as many declare it to be, a reading of the books of Messrs. Bolen and Pierce would lead to the suspicion that it is at least the mother-in-law.

Garibaldi

I

In all Italian history there is no

more picturesque figure than Garibaldi's, and there are few more stirring yet pathetic interludes than that of Mazzini's "Republic of Rome." The hundredth year since Garibaldi's birth is appropriately celebrated by the publication of a volume written by Mr. George Macaulay Trevelyan on "Garibaldi's Defence of the Roman Republic," certainly one of the most dramatic episodes of a dramatic life. Many capital illustrations and maps add to the interest of the text, which in any event is a real contribution to the better understanding of 1848, that revolutionary year for all Europe. While the author reviews Garibaldi's childhood at Nice, his life in South America, and his romantic marriage, the main attention is of course concentrated upon the condition of the Roman States under the Papacy during the first half of the eighteenth century, Italy's political failure in 1848, the democratic protests, the formation of Garibaldi's legion, the Roman Republic, the siege and fall of Rome, Garibaldi's defense, his escape to the Adriatic and departure for America. We wish that Mr. Trevelyan would write another volume like this, of exceptional merit, recounting Garibaldi's later triumphs.

Our Misunderstood Bible

The late Dr. Trumbull was a man who knew well how to speak to the point and make himself clearly understood. In the numerous brief chapters of this volume he has made good riddance of many current misuses and misunderstandings of words and phrases, by which people who read or quote the Bible miss or abuse its real meaning. The Bible, as both ancient and Oriental, is peculiarly liable to suffer 1 Garibaldi's Defence of the Roman Republic. By George Macaulay Trevelyan. Longmans, Green & Co., New York. $2, net. Our Misunderstood Bible. By H. Clay Trumbull. The Sunday School Times Company, Philadelphia. $1, net.

thus in the hands of modern readers in Western lands, as the list of religious errors and fanatical whimsies proves. Common sense as well as sound learning dominates Dr. Trumbull's expositions, though some times he misses the real fact. That the parental "rod" in Proverbs xiii. 24 does not mean merely the scepter of authority is clear from xxiii. 14-" Thou shalt beat him with the rod." It is a helpful book for Sundayschool teachers, and for Bible readers generally, whom it would secure from some serious errors.

This is a good book on a grave Worry subject, which it treats in an allround discussion of causes and effects, physical and psychical, from scientific and practical, moral and religious points of view. We have had a variety of lighter publications of the "don't worry" sort, but this is of substantial and commanding character. It is concerned with the cure and the prevention as well as with the causes and the effects of this "disease of the age," promoted, as it is, by the practical materialism which worships the goddess of getting on," and by the survival under the garb of Christianity of "primitive religion," which is described as both the product and the producer of fear and worry. True religion, on the other hand, has "an optimistic principle at the heart of it." Dr. Saleeby is far from the quietist who never worries: he distinguishes between what is normal and what is morbid. There are times when not to worry would raise a doubt of sanity. Most of his practical suggestions touching matters of regimen, selftraining, and education are to the right point, and helpful to a rational life.

History for a Purpose

2

In spite of some obvious merits in Mr. J. Ellis Barker's "The Rise and Decline of the Netherlands," it is impossible to give it a cordial welcome. As the result of arduous researches on its author's part-extending, it appears, to perhaps two thousand books and pamphlets besides uncounted documentary sources-it brings to light much not generally known to the English-speaking student of the past history of the Netherlands; and in dealing with certain periodsnotably the foundation years and the years of the English and French wars-it presents a swiftly moving, compact, and lucid narra

Worry: The Disease of the Age. By C. W. Saleeby, M.D. Frederick A. Stokes Company, New York. $1.35, net. Postage, 12c.

2 The Rise and Decline of the Netherlands. By J. Ellis Barker. E. P. Dutton & Co., New York. $3.50, net.

tive. But it has the fatal defect of being, not a calm, dispassionate contribution to historical literature, but a diatribic piece of special pleading in the interests of a political propaganda. Painting the Dutch Republic as attaining greatness through the thrift, intelligence, courage, and enterprise of its people, Mr. Barker devotes his every effort to showing that it came to grief chiefly because of individualism, party government, the absence of a national spirit and organization, and the lack of a strong military establishment, and that the same causes are to-day operative to destroy the British Empire. Of course he has sundry curative measures to recommend, including the creation of "an Imperial army and navy administered by an Imperial war office and admiralty, directed and controlled by an Imperial Senate and Prime Minister, and paid for by Imperial taxation," and the adoption of a written Imperial constitution which, while guaranteeing to each British State full liberty of action in State matters, gives equally full liberty of action to the Empire in Imperial matters." How the various self-governing colonies are to be coaxed or coerced into the acceptance of such a programme does not appear; and even as a political campaign document for English consumption the work has sad shortcomings of the boomerang order. For, although intended as a stirring appeal to the people of England, it is written throughout from the view-point of an uncompromising critic of popular government and all its ways.

The Story of Port Royal

If the Port Royal school of thought had been allowed to exist in the French Roman Catholic Church, the fortunes of that Church might not have been so drastically hampered as they have been by the present crisis. At all events, the Church would not have represented so much Ultramontanism. Every liberal Roman Catholic and most Protestants as well must desire to know more about the deeply interesting religious movement of the seventeenth century which found its expres sion at Port Royal. Mrs. Romanes well satisfies that desire. Perhaps her seemingly unnecessary fullness of detail is essential to give a complete picture, but occasionally one feels that the text might have been condensed. This, however, if it be a blemish, is certainly a minor one. Her volume is to be heartily commended to all students of religious development.

The Story of Port Royal. By Ethel Romanes. E. P. Dutton & Co., New York. $5, net.

Another acute crisis has been reached in the evolution of popular government in Russia. When the second National Duma met on Friday morning of last week, it was announced that, in accordance with the request from Prime Minister Stolypin, the sitting would be private and an important communication would be made to the house. M. Golovin, the President of the Duma, excluded the representatives of the press and the public, and in the meantime the Government had posted a large force of police, gendarmes, and soldiers around the palace in which the Duma was sitting. The Prime Minister mounted the tribune and in a brief and very serious speech declared that the Government required the arrest of sixteen Socialistic members of that body and the consent of the Duma to the immediate prosecution of the thirty-seven remaining members of the same party. In case the Duma refused to give its assent, the Prime Minister announced that the Government would take decisive measures. The declaration was heard in silence. When the Premier sat down, the public prosecutor rose and read a long indictment accusing the fifty-five Socialistic members of the Duma of forming a secret criminal association to bring about an insurrection, dethrone the Czar, and establish a Republic. The prosecutor described the evidence at length, declaring that the plot was discovered through a perquisition made on the 18th of last month at the residence of M. Ozol, where meetings of the party were being held; that a large number of documents, which showed the strength of the sedition and an attempt to secure the co-operation of the St. Petersburg and other garrisons, had been seized. Many of the letters were from soldiers asking for certain concessions to be obtained through the Duma, such as leave to discard their

Price $3 a year 10 cents a copy

uniforms when off duty, and promising that if the Duma were dissolved and disturbances resulted they would not fire on the people. Most of the evidence seems to have been of the most unconvincing character, and a considerable part of the indictment consists of a digest of the principles of the Socialists. After hearing the indictment the House adjourned to discuss the situation; reassembled, when it developed that only the Reactionaries and Octobrists favored the Government; took another adjournment, and at a second sitting appointed a commission to consider the Government's demand and report within twenty-four hours. Early Sunday morning the Duma was dissolved; and the autocracy has again given evidence of its incapacity to deal with the situation. The demand that the Duma should exclude its Social Democratic delegation of fifty-five deputies, and sanction the arrest of sixteen for treasonable conspiracy, was a violation of the principle of immunity which the Duma could not tolerate without giving up its integrity. It had to face the alternatives of dissolution or of granting a demand which would have destroyed its authority and reduced it to a mere registering body.

Japan and

America

American relations with Japan, so far as the two Governments are concerned, are absolutely harmonious and without a shadow of misunderstanding; but there is some danger in the attitude of a small minority of people in this country, and of what appears to be an equally small minority of people in Japan. In spite of the habit of obedience in which the Japanese have been drilled, and their great respect for their rulers, there is a very considerable riotous class in that country. This was shown by the violence with which the

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