news of the Portsmouth Treaty was received. This inflammable element is elated by the recent victories of Japan and is inclined to take the Jingo attitude. Count Okuma, the leader of the Progressists in opposition to the Japanese Ministry, is making the most of the situation and stirring up antagonism in the hope of overthrowing the Ministry. Under his leadership an attempt has been made to persuade the Japanese people that recent assaults upon Japanese in San Francisco were expressions of race antagonism, and that the Japanese Government has not taken adequate and self-respecting measures to secure redress. The Japanese Government understands clearly that discrimination against Japanese children in the public schools of San Francisco has ceased, and that our Government is investigating the recent attacks on Japanese restaurants and will secure proper reparation. The French offer of mediation between America and Japan has been misunderstood in some quarters, where it has been assumed that the situation is grave or the French would not have offered their kindly services. Agreements have been reached between Japan, on the one side, and England, France, and Russia, on the other, looking to the preservation of peace in the Far East and the guarding of the interests of all concerned.

It was

a very kindly thought on the part of the French Government, which all intelligent Americans should appreciate, to bring this country into similar relations with -Japan. Fortunately, no such endeavor is necessary. The outcries of the American hoodlums and Jingoes, on the one side, and of the Japanese haters in the West on the other, make a prodigious noise, but so far amount to very little. From the beginning our attitude toward Japan, like our attitude toward China, has been one of disinterested friendship. The Japanese have largely modeled their treaties with foreign countries on the first treaty with this country. China

I will not forget that, when her Government was disregarded by other Governments, our Government insisted on treating it as if it were in existence and responsible, nor that everything that we could do to preserve the integrity of

China was done. forget that it was the kindly offices of the President of the United States that made the peace between that country and Russia possible. Nothing could be more short-sighted from every point of view than the antagonism to the Japanese. From a commercial standpoint that antagonism is suicidal, especially for the Pacific coast; and the anti-Japanese agitators on that coast are taking a sure and easy road to commercial destruction by alienating their best future customers. The sooner Americans and all Western peoples learn that Japan has now become a Power of the first rank, and that it is a sovereign nation treating with its equals, the better for the peace of the world.

Nor will the Japanese

The Philippines What Government has Done

as

The fact that no other nation has attempted to do for a dependency what the United States has undertaken to do for the Philippines has been used. an argument that the experiment of educating the Filipinos for the task of self-government is impracticable. There is but one effective answer to this argument-evidence of the actual success of the experiment. At the very beginning the experiment had to be supported by faith in the power of popular government to do successfully that faith could assert their skepticism the unprecedented. Those who had not without fear of immediate refutation. Now, however, the evidence of things hoped for can be supplemented by the evidence of things accomplished. Mr. John R. Mott supplies recent testimony with regard to Philippine progress. As Secretary of the World's Student Christian Federation, whose Conference in

Japan last April was recently chronicled in The Outlook, he has had opportunities for wide acquaintance with the Far East. He has lately finished a journey through the Orient. In the course of it he visited the Philippine Islands. He thus sums up the results of his observation there:

Any one who may, like myself, have questioned the wisdom of the United States continuing to occupy the Philippine Islands would most certainly entertain an entirely

different opinion were he to visit these islands to-day and note the changes which have been wrought as a direct result of American Occupation and achievement. Within less than ten years there has been built up stable government-insular, provincial, and municipal. A body of laws has been enacted which challenges favorable comparison with the statutes of any country. Ladronism, the curse of the islands, has been suppressed, and peace, order, and justice prevail. Sanitary regulations have been introduced and

enforced to such an extent that Manila bids fair soon to become the most healthful city in the tropics, notwithstanding its unfavorable location. A sound gold-standard currency has been given to the country, and this is already exerting an influence in the Orient far beyond the Philippines. Millions of dollars have been invested in substantial material improvements, especially in Manila. Improved postal and telegraphic communications have been introduced, and railway and government road extension is in progress. The grave question of the Friars' lands has been eliminated, and the power of arrogant ecclesiasticism and officialism has been broken. As a result of the marvelous educational developments involving the activities of nearly one thousand American teachers, we are now educating fully 500,000 of the youth of the islands; and even more remarkable than this has been the raising up and training of over 5,000 Filipino teachers. The Tagalogs, Visayans, Ilocanos, and the many other tribes and peoples scattered throughout over sixteen hundred islands are being unified and are developing the consciousness of community of race and the latent sense of nationality. The dominant impression made on the mind of any one who has visited different colonial possessions is that in the Philippines the altruistic motive has thus far had right of way and that a work has been accomplished of which we need not be ashamed. The ideal emphasized by McKinley, Roosevelt, Root, Schurman, and Taft, that our purpose in the Philippines is not to exploit them, but to develop, civilize, educate, and train unselfish lines, has been kept in mind and is still the great motive power. One can already see the aptness of the claim of President Roosevelt that " we have established a government by Americans assisted by Filipinos. We are steadily striving to transform this into self-government by Filipinos assisted by Americans."

on

Mr. Mott has The Philippines also found that What the Church Should Do "the religious progress in the islands has been as notable as that in material, political, and educational matters.' "The presence of Protestants in the Philippines has resulted, he is convinced, in a genuine

awakening. The spirit of inquiry and. what he terms "the zeal for evangelism have spread among the people. He regards the Independent Catholic movement under Archbishop Aglipay as significant. He adds: "Possibly the most striking thing is that the pure and aggressive lives of the Protestants and the rapid spread of the Independent Catholic movement are leading unmistakably to the purifying and the revitalizing of the Roman Catholic Church." He believes that the staff of missionaries to the

Philippines ought to be immediately doubled, and he urges the need of pressing the work of the Young Men's Christian Association. In particular, he be-, lieves that there is a great opportunity for the Association in Manila. In that city live thousands of young men, Chinese and Filipinos; six thousand students and school-boys live there. Manila is a strategic point for the whole Orient. "More than one-half of the people of the earth live in countries which are within easy reach of the Philippine Islands." The immediate necessity is a model Association building for the European and American young men in Manila. This is his statement of the situation :

I found that there are, in addition to large numbers of British young men, not less than three thousand American young men in Manila apart from the army. At least two thousand of these are in Government positions, and constitute an unusually well educated and influential class of men. Seveneighths of them are under thirty-five years of age, and many hundreds of them are college graduates. Not one in six of them has any home life. The rest are truly homeless, and this in a city where the fiercest temptations are working with great vigor and deadly cruelty, and in a climate and an environment which are not conducive to the preservation of high ideals and habits of self control. By their object-lesson they can do immense good or harm to the Filipino and Chinese young men.

A fund for a building for these young men has already been started by a movement within the islands; but such a fund should receive contributions from this country, which is morally responsible for the conditions in the Philippines. Because peace and comparative quiet now reign in the islands, the American people are in danger of forgetting their ward. It is well to have such a reminder

as this from Mr. Mott, based on recent and careful observation.

The Wine-Growers of France

The

Last week Outlook gave some account of the singular industrial agitation among the winegrowers of southern France. The crisis continues, and, has called forth the most serious consideration by the French Government, while legislation is being advanced in the Chamber of Deputies to provide relief for the wine-growers from adulteration and the fraudulent manufacture of wines by unfair competitors elsewhere in France. In accordance with the threats made by the municipalities of the dissatisfied regions, a system of passive resistance has now actually gone in force in many places, under which the municipal officers refuse to carry on the ordinary functions of government, while the people" at large are agitating and, to use the common expression, "demonstrating " in all conceivable ways. We have not noted during the week anything in the way of agitation quite so startling as that referred to last week, when at Perpignan 130,000 men, women, and children paraded under flags with such inscriptions as "Bread or Rifles " and the like; but the actual civic defiance of the Government has been put in operation by the closing of municipal offices and the resignation of municipal officials. Births, deaths, and marriages which have already taken place have been recorded by minor officials, but with the note that their action is only semi-official; while proposed marriages have had to be postponed because in France a contract before a municipal official is obligatory, and no such official in these towns will perform this function. The statement that there has been wide disaffection among the troops in the district has been in part contradicted, although

have

been some acts contrary to discipline on the part of the soldiers. The Premier, M. Clemenceau, has refused to accept the resignations of the mayors in the four departments of the Midi, where the novel strike has been spreading. He points out that he has by law several

eti

weeks in which to consider the resignations before acting upon them, and that meanwhile the mayors are responsible. for the peace and proper government of their towns. M. Clemenceau declares that the Government has been persistently in search of a remedy for the misfortunes complained of, and adds with great justice this injunction addressed to the revolting officials: "Your threat of revolt can be hurtful only to those you pretend to serve, and it will spread anarchy throughout the sections concerned. When you have suspended the municipal life and delivered your communes to disorder, what will you have accomplished other than an aggravation of the distress of which you justly denounce the intolerable burden ?"

Senator Morgan

Senator John Tyler Morgan, of Alabama, who died in Washington last week, has been a prominent figure in the United States Senate for a generation, and preserved, at the age of eighty-four, astonishing vitality of mind and body. He was born at Athens, Tennessee, in 1824, but went to Alabama while still a child. He was admitted to the bar of that State in 1845, and at once became interested in politics. Forty-seven years ago he was a Presidential elector, voting for Breckenridge and Lane. The following year he was a member of the State Convention which passed the ordinance of secession, and later he enlisted in the Confederate army as a private, and served throughout the war, raised a regiment, and attained the rank of BrigadierGeneral. When the struggle was over, he resumed the practice of law at Selma, and was one of the Presidential electors who voted for Tilden and Hendricks. He entered the Senate in 1877, and has been a member continuously since that date. He early attracted attention by reason of his knowledge of international law and of foreign relations, and this special equipment secured his selection in 1892 as a representative of the United States on the Bering Sea Arbitration Commission. Out of the same study of the foreign relations of the country arose his interest in the Isthmian Canal, and

his early and lifelong advocacy of the duty of the United States to build such a canal. Of late years he has been known as the "Father of the Canal." In season and out of season, in the Senate and at public gatherings, he steadfastly agitated for the accomplishment of this great work, and now that it is assured, very much is due to his indomitable patience and persistence. He was early converted to the Nicaragua route as the only feasible one, and of that route he remained a steadfast advocate to the very last, fighting the change to the Panama route finally adopted with all the ardor of a strong nature and with full command of all the facts involved. He was firmly convinced that the change of route had been effected by improper means, and consumed a great deal of the time of the Senate by a gallant but mistaken fight against the settlement with the French company and the adoption of the present route. Senator Morgan's speeches were notable, not only for their extraordinary ease and range of knowledge, but also for their extraordinary length. In the Fifty-seventh Congress he spoke almost every day for two weeks on the Isthmian Canal, and the Senate stenographers estimated that he had delivered more than two hundred thousand words on that topic alone. He was an oldtime Democrat, an ardent believer in the extreme doctrine of State rights, and on that ground he voted against the railway rate bill passed by the last Congress. He was not a sectional partisan, and his political associates often found great difficulty in trying to get him into line with their party policies. He was always restive under party dictation, and often in open revolt. Of his integrity there was never a question, and he had many of the qualities which have long been associated with the ideal Senator.

The verdict of guilty of Mayor Schmitz brought by a San Francisco jury against Mayor Schmitz on Thursday of last week marks the culmination of the first stage of the municipal cleansing process undertaken months ago by the District Attor

ney, Mr. Langdon, with the assistance and energetic co-operation of Francis J. Heney. Mr. Heney has been, in point of fact, the head and front of this movement. The conviction of the Mayor of the city on a charge of extortion from a so-called French restaurant, like the plea of guilty in a similar case entered two or three weeks ago by Abraham Ruef, is even more important than would appear on its face. The evidence which has been gathered by the prosecution has led not only to indictments in cases like those which have just been tried, involving bribery and extortion for the protection of vice, but also to indictments charging bribe-giving and bribe-taking in connection with municipal franchises conferred upon telephone, railway, and gas corporations. Mr. Heney proposes to push these cases also; and he and the men who support him intend to bring to trial and punish both the guilty city officials who have received bribes and the wealthy heads of corporations who have given bribes. As regards the Mayor the strange situation exists that if he stays in jail (and he is there as we write, bail having been refused), his temporary successor must be chosen by a Board of Supervisors the majority of whom have signed confessions of corruption. They have been allowed to retain their positions because Mr. Heney proposes to use their evidence against more important criminals. Mayor Schmitz will appeal from the verdict, and may retain office until the question of the appeal has been settled. If, however, his appeal fails before the higher court, it is expected that the Supervisors will choose as the successor to the Mayor a man who shall be acceptable to the prosecution. The full extent of the municipal reformation proposed by Mr. Heney and his associates may be indicated by his recent remarks in an address before the students of Stanford University. He then declared: "Abe Ruef has been generally known as the boss of San Francisco. It was thought that he was all-powerful; that he was beholden to none; that his word was final. In reality, he was the understudy of Herrin." Mr. Herrin, thus referred to, is the manager of the Southern Pacific Railway in California, and of him Mr.

Heney says: "Ruef committed no political act without Herrin's knowledge and acquiescence. As the lesser leaders reported to him and were subservient to him, so was he to the railroad lawyer. Though he may have acted occasionally individually, he never did one thing without the latter's knowing of it and approving it."

The Amendment to the Recount Bill

The Recount Bill has been passed by the Legislature over the veto of Acting Mayor McGowan. This was to have been expected. It requires a great deal more courage than most politicians possess to confess that they have been wrong in their legislative action, especially when to do so requires them to separate themselves from their party leaders on a party measure. But the discussion in New York City respecting this bill has produced one result. It has awakened the promoters of this bill to the absurdity of the provision which requires the Mayor, in order to secure a recount in any district, to give bonds that he will pay the expense of the recount provided it shows that there was no occasion for a recount and that he is entitled to his office. A supplementary bill has been introduced into the Legislature to relieve the bill of this absurd feature. The supplementary bill permits the Mayor to ask for the opening of boxes that Mr. Hearst does not ask for, and to do this without being required to give any bond that he will pay the cost of the canvass. We think that it will appear to most unprejudiced citizens somewhat absurd to pass a bill with a vicious provision in it and then follow it with another bill to take the vicious provision out. Nor does this supplementary bill meet at all the two fundamental objections to the recount measure: one, that it sanctions a special appeal to the Legislature for retroactive legislation in place of an appeal to the law as it already exists; the other, that it lays the cost of any part of the recount on a private citizen, when, if the original canvass was so defective as to justify the Legislature in setting it aside alto gether, the new count which the Legis

lature provides for clearly ought to be paid for out of the public treasury. Governor Hughes has, it is true, asked for a recount bill; but it cannot be doubted that he has the courage to veto these two recount bills if he is convinced that they are unjust and dangerous. He has shown courage in vetoing the TwoCent Fare Bill (which we discuss on another page), and the Teachers' Salary Bill, which was passed as a consequence of a vigorous agitation by many New York City teachers and sustained by some public sentiment. We hope that he will see the wisdom of vetoing also this recount legislation.

The long and severe The cross-examination to Haywood Trial which the confessed murderer Harry Orchard was subjected nearly all last week did not in any essential shake his minute account of the series of murders, attempted murders, and plots to murder, which ended in the assassination of ex-Governor Steunenberg. The defense brought out, however, certain additional facts going to show that entirely apart from the crimes Orchard says he committed under the orders and for the pay of Haywood, Moyer, and other officers of the Western Federation, he had been guilty of plotting despicable and infamous crimes, and that he had been for many years a dissolute and desperate man. Thus, Orchard readily admitted committing burglary, stealing high-grade ore, robbing a cash register, and even plotting to kidnap and hold for ransom the children of a man who had sheltered him and lent him money. But in no one point of his main story did he break down or contradict himself; and after he left the stand other witnesses for the prosecution confirmed his statements in some particulars, the most important evidence perhaps being that of postal officials who corroborated Orchard's account of receiving money by registered letter from Pettibone, one of the accused men. So far the connection between the murder now under investigation and the defendant, Haywood, now on trial, rests on Orchard's assertions,