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The Mystery of


This volume' presents a group of lectures by a distinguished scholar, translated by Elizabeth Wilder, and prefaced by an introduction from that lifelong student of Shakespeare, Professor William J. Rolfe. The translator has made a selection from a body of lectures, and gives to the reader, not the substance of the whole book, but such parts of it as are necessary to the presentation of the lecturer's theory of Hamlet. Readers of The Outlook are familiar with the leading interpretations of this profoundly interesting and perplexing play, from the time of Goethe to that of Mr. Sidney Lee. The theory presented by Professor Werder may be briefly stated: The duty which the Ghost imposed upon Hamlet was not merely the killing of the King, but bringing him to justice, the killing being the objective form which justice must take on. The King, under an elective monarchy, had a legal right to the throne. It was necessary, therefore, that he should be shown as the murderer of his brother, and seizer of the crown by a crime. Hamlet's aim, therefore, was to force the King to a confession, and his whole course of action was dictated by that purpose. It was not the throne, but the unmasking of the villain, the securing of a confession, and his punishment, which led Hamlet through all his apparent vacillations. This is the secret of the uncertainties and apparent inconsistencies of Hamlet's course, and that course finds its logical climax in the production of the play within the play, when the King, without actually making a confession, reveals his villainy. The argument is presented with great clearness and force.

The author of the latest The Friends of biography of Voltaire has Voltaire now added a delightful supplementary volume 2 that will be enjoyed by all its readers, irrespective of their acquaintance with the previous work or with the fascinating if stormy age in which Voltaire lived and wrote. By the "friends" of Voltaire are meant not only those with whom he was intimate but also others personally little known to him, yet "whose aim was his aim, to destroy from among the people 'ignorance, the curse of God,' and who were, as he was, the prophets and the makers of a new dispensation." On the basis of this liberal definition room is found for d'Alembert

1The Heart of Hamlet's Mystery. Translated from the German of Karl Werder. By Elizabeth Wilder. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York. $1.50, net. The Friends of Voltaire. Putnam's Sons, New York.

By S. G. Tallentyre. G. P. $2.50, net.

and Diderot, the founders of the famous Encyclopædia; Galiani, the mirthful Italian wit; Vauvenargues, the short-lived aphorist; d'Holbach, the blatant atheist and model host; Grimm, the German journalist and warmest friend of Diderot; the enigmatical Helvetius; the statesmanlike Turgot; the ubiquitous Beaumarchais; and Condorcet, the luckless-a notable if not altogether praiseworthy company. Each is made the subject of a biographical study, sympathetic, animated, rich in touches that bring the hero and his times very near to the reader; and, though no profound analysis of character is made, and little attempt to measure the individual with relation to his influence on the thought of his own day and of posterity, there is throughout a stimulating informativeness that should lead to a lively desire for closer acquaintance with all ten of the Voltairean gentlefolk. Even in the least successful of the studies-those of Vauvenargues, Turgot, and Beaumarchais-these qualities are plainly discernible; and, apart from an occasional and sometimes pardonable lapse into extravagance of statement, there is little to criticise in the rest. Especially good are the portraits of d'Alembert, Diderot, d'Holbach, and Grimm; although it is perhaps as well to point out that if Mrs. Frederika MacDonald makes valid her contention that Diderot and Grimm conspired to ruin Rousseau's reputation, it will be in order for the author of the present work to do some radical revising.

The New Far East


Striking political changes during the past month in China make the publication of recent observations of expert observers in the Orient especially timely. It is a satisfaction to call attention to two books on the Far East which deserve particular notice. Both have been written by men of long experience in the Orient; both are full of interesting information; both point out that the great event and the possible peril of the twentieth century lies in the development of China; finally, both volumes are valuable as books of reference because they contain the texts of important state papers, of the Anglo-Japanese, Portsmouth, and Peking treaties, and the Japanese-Korean protocol. In addition, Mr. Putnam-Weale's book includes admirably detailed exhibits of China's foreign trade and an inquiry into the assets and liabilities of 1 Signs and Portents in the Far East. By Everard Cotes. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York. $2.50, net.

The Truce in the East and Its Aftermath. By B. L. Putnam-Weale. The Macmillan Company, New York. $3,



China in international commerce, also tables showing the Japanese public debt, the cost of the Russian war to Japan, and the comparative strength of the Japanese navy and the navies of the Great Powers. While both authors are keenly interested in the dangers connected with large Japanese and Chinese armaments, Mr. Cotes points out that, if England, America, and Japan unite to guarantee Chinese integrity, we need not worry about signs of unrest as seen in the boycott of American goods, the attempt to win back control of the customs, the campaign against British-Indian trade "under the guise of a crusade to abolish the undoubted evils of the Chinese opium habit," and a determination to supplant European and American enterprise in railway, mining, commercial, and industrial undertakings. As an AngloIndian journalist Mr. Cotes is, of course, specially sensitive concerning the potentialities of India as England's coadjutor in the future of the Far East. This part of his general survey forms the volume's distinctive feature. Mr. Putnam-Weale's book is especially interesting as a continuation of his earlier publication "The Re-Shaping of the Far East."

Persistent Problems

Although, as the author remarks, philosophy since Hegel's time can be credited with no originative work, but only with variations of existing systems, this volume' exhibits attractive freshness both of arrangement and of thought. In a historical view modern philosophy is clearly the result of an evolutionary process, in which we have the survival of the fittest. What great thinkers have severally contributed to it is found in the systems which they have successively formulated. A systematic introduction to modern metaphysics, which now for a century has been, at least qualitatively, monistic, quite naturally comprises the history of philosophy since the dawn of its modern period in Descartes. Such a fusion of propedeutic and history is a striking feature of the present work. Another distinctive feature of it, and a fresh contribution to clear thinking, is its grouping of systems from the view-point of the final question of philosophy-the nature of ultimate reality--is it One, or Many? of one kind, or more than one? of the same nature as our consciousness, or absolutely other? In congruity with these distinctions, all modern systems are here grouped as, either numerically or qualitatively, monistic or pluralistic; the monistic systems as nonidealistic or idealistic; the idealistic, as spiritualistic or phenomenalistic. This class

1 The Persistent Problems of Philosophy. By Mary Whiton Calkins. The Macmillan Company, New York. $2.50, net.

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ification lights up the entire course of exposition and criticism which forms the book. The largest space is deservedly given to Kant, and here the arrangement of material is relatively new. Uncommon also is the estimate put upon Schopenhauer, as essentially a monistic idealist within easy distance of Hegel. The author's standpoint is the conviction that "Hegel's essential argument for monistic spiritualism" is irrefragable. Among present writers Royce is most nearly followed, but with clearly noted divergences. Stress is constantly put upon the immediateness of self-consciousness, as the startingpoint of philosophy and the guarantee of truth.. In guarantee of the estimates and criticisms of the systems surveyed the writers speak for themselves in ample citations, and a touch of personal interest is added by brief biographies. These, with annotated bibliographies and critical excursus, form a large appendix, of value to serious students. Insight, poise, and a fine blending of clarity with brevity make this an eminently serviceable book for all such. Such a work, in addition to her well-wrought "Introduction to Psychology," gives Professor Calkins a distinction among American women as meritorious as it is unique.


An accomplished biologist, professor at the Sorbonne in Paris, presents in this volume the mechanical theory of life. According to this, life is not the cause but the effect of chemical processes, which work mechanically, that is, with uniformity and precision, in an invariable sequence of antecedents and consequents. He expects that scientists will in time be able to discover the secret of these processes, and to originate life thereby at will. Granting the possibility of this, it would demonstrate, at most, that life is the concomitant, not the effect, of those processes, and appears whenever the conditions of its appearance have been prepared. So much must be said to those who fear certain inferences already set up in anticipation of the supposedly revolutionary nature of the expected discovery. The mechanical processes that build up and sustain living bodies are exhibited in the present volume with remarkable clearness and completeness. On this side of the subject given in its title it is all that could be desired. It is the physical side only: "the study of life," says the author, "belongs to chemical physics." To be convinced of " the absence of all essential difference and all absolute discontinuity between living and not-living matter" is a mark of "the enlightened mind." The

1 The Nature and Origin of Life. By Félix Le Dantec. A. S. Barnes & Co., New York. $2, net.

"purely objective" study of living beings, to which this biologist limits his science, regards consciousness, the psychical side of life, as "an unverifiable hypothesis." But the signs of fright, of grief, of guilt, of hate, of love, which human faces exhibit, are material for an objective study without which human intercourse is impossible. That consciousness is not operative in directing vital movements is an amazing assertion, tantamount to a confession of willful ignorance of unimpeachable facts accepted by unprejudiced science.


Industrial Growth

Prize essays do not always-one is tempted to write do not oftendeal with subjects of interest to the general reading public; but this cannot be said of Dr. Earl Dean Howard's "The Cause and Extent of the Recent Industrial Progress of Germany." To Americans in particular the phenomenal rise of the German Empire during the past quarter of a century from a position of economic insignificance to one of prime economic importance is of the greatest interest; and anything tending to throw light on the means whereby this develop ment has been attained should be warmly welcomed, and the more warmly since in Germany we are forced to recognize one of our two most formidable competitors in the world's markets. For his facts Dr. Howard has gone directly to official sources; his statements are supported by official statistics, so far as it has been possible to obtain such ; and his conclusions are based on an investi

gation that has clearly been open-minded, judicial, and thorough. In beginning he takes, properly enough, a survey of the economic history of Germany prior to the political unification from which her industrial progress really dates; and he finds that the chief causes of her backwardness were the geographical position that so long made her the battle-ground of Europe, the conservatism of her people fostered by her peculiar agricultural system, her inadequate trade and transportation facilities, and her obsolete banking system. Coming to the period of progress, which he finds chiefly characterized by a transition from reliance on agriculture to reliance on manufactures and commerce, he specifically locates the causes of her amazingly rapid economic growth in (1) increased domestic consumption due to increased population and a generally higher standard of life; (2) the betterment of transportation facilities; (3) the Kartel system, "which is able to promote the export inter

1The Cause and Extent of the Recent Industrial Progress of Germany By Earl Dean Howard, Ph.D. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. $1, net.

ests of the Empire and introduce greater steadiness in the domestic industrial world;" (4) the system of industrial education; and (5), the fundamental cause of all, the characteristics of the German people. On the question of the relation between the tariff system and the economic prosperity of the country he scarcely touches-an omission that is distinctly regrettable-but he does develop much that will be found not only new but surprising by most of his readers. Thus, in opposition to the view that the economic progress of the United States has been due largely to the force of individual initiative, Dr. Forrest insists that in the case of Germany a most powerful contributory factor has been the subordination of individual initiative to habits of obedience and

discipline, for which he gives chief credit to the army system. Here, of course, there is room for honest difference of opinion; as also with regard to his view of the connection between industrial progress and the Kartel. There is no questioning, however, the intrinsic value of his work, which assuredly makes for a clearer understanding of modern Germany and her people.

The Chancellorsville Campaign


Had Colonel Charles Richardson chosen to utilize his personal experiences as the basis for his "The Chancellorsville Campaign," he might have made an interesting contribution to Civil War literature; but as it is, his narrative is quite negligible. Barring a tedious and-to readers not familiar with the ground-difficult description of the scene of conflict, his account of the operations of Early and Sedgwick about Fredericksburg displays little originality, and consists for the most part of quotations from official reports strung together in a commonplace way. In fact, more than half the book is given over to an appendix of abstracts from reports of the operations of the Army of the Potomac.

The Wild Flowers

Under an apt title and written by a nature-lover of unusual skill in de

of England scription as well as in observing, this book " will bring back pleasant memories to all who know the English fields and hedgerows. The author is an artist, too, and gives us really charming full-page pictures in color of primrose, orchis, anemone, hawthorn, broom, gorse and heather, harebells, poppies, and a score of other wild-growing beauties. The year is followed month by month—a convenient and agreeable arrangement.

The Chancellorsville Campaign: Fredericksburg to Salem Church. By Charles Richardson. The Neale Publishing Company, New York. $1. Postage, 10c.

2 Nature's Own Gardens. Written and Illustrated in Colour and Line. By Maud M. Clarke. E. P. Dutton & Co., New York. $6.


Volume 86

Number 9

NEW YORK, JUNE 29, 1907

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Published by the Outlook Company, 287 Fourth Avenue,
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Copyright, 1907, by the Outlook Company Entered as second-class matter in the New York Post-Office.

International Unselfishness

Of the twenty-four millions of dollars which China is under obligation

to pay to the United States as indemnity on account of the Boxer uprising, the United States Government now proposes. to remit over thirteen millions- -over onehalf. This was communicated by the State Department to Sir Chentung-LiangCheng, the retiring Chinese Ambassador, last week. All that the United States will receive from China, if Congress agrees to this proposal, is enough to reimburse the American property-owners who suffered loss, and to pay the share of the cost incurred by the United States in restoring order. The balance of twenty-four millions which the United States is entitled by treaty arrangement to receive would be in the nature of a penalty exacted from China for failing to protect life and property. It is this

Price $3 a year 10 cents a copy

penalty which the President, if he obtains authority from Congress, will decline to exact. The relief to China is greater than these figures indicate, for the twentyfour millions was by agreement to be paid by China during a period of thirtynine years, with interest which would have brought the total amount taken from the Chinese treasury to thirty-eight millions. If it ever were true that the State is, as Nietzsche makes Zarathustra call it, "the coldest of all cold monsters," it certainly is not true in these days. Once upon a time it was a very common belief that, however unselfish it might be right for an individual to be, a nation in its relations with other nations would be and ought to be invariably selfish. The ghost of this idea peeps between the lines of occasional editorial articles on international subjects even nowadays. Indeed, a large part of the argument of the self-styled anti-imperialists was based on the idea that it is impossible for a Christian nation really to be Christian; and that to pretend that it could be helpful to the weak, that it could really be a neighbor to a dependent people, that it could bear another's burden, was to act the hypocrite. An offer, however, of twenty-seven millions to a nation which has no legal right to the money, and which could not obtain it by any forcible means, is a somewhat too material evidence of sincerity. to be greeted with cynical skepticism. The fact is, this proposal is in fine accord with American tradition. Of course magnanimity is not exclusively a Christian virtue; but from any point of view which is antagonistic to the Christian point of view, it is actually a vice; and in any case it is a trait which ought to be exhibited by any people that has such a moral inheritance as ours. It is true that this Nation has failed all too' frequently to follow the altruistic impulse, sometimes even when to do that

would have cost us little. Our treatment, for instance, of the Philippines has not been flawless. To use the phrase of Paul, we have not yet attained. It is to be hoped that in this case Congress will not fall behind the high mark set by the executive.

The Hague Conference

The second International Peace Conference was opened on June 22 in the Knights' Hall, in the Bittenhof Palace at The Hague, with an attendance of 209 delegates, representing forty-seven countries, from whose dress military orders and decorations of all sorts were conspicuously absent, even the naval and military experts appearing in civilian dress. The hall, with its arched oak roof, bire white walls, and stainedglass windows, was a somber background for formal and rather uninteresting introductory exercises. The delegates were placed at green baize tables in the alphabetical order of their countries, Germany and America on the President's right. The large number of representatives from the Central and South American Republics made the Latin element conspicuous in the assembly. Special significance attaches to the fact that for the first time a Congress representing the entire civilized world had assembled, with the whole field of international relations open to it. Whether it accomplishes much or little in the way of definite action, the mere statement of this fact is evidence of a progression of opinion and of condition so great as to be revolutionary. The Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs called the Congress to order, and made a brief speech welcoming the delegates on behalf of the Queen. M. Nelidoff, Russian Ambassador to France, proposed Dr. van Goudriaan as honorary President, and W. H. de Beaufort, head of the Holland delegation, as Vice-President. The Czar of Russia initiated the Hague Conference; it was therefore appropriate that his representative should give the introductory address, which may be dismissed by a brief characterization: it was without color and it was pessimistic. In closing the speaker said: "On behalf of the gracious Sovereign I here repre

sent, I ask you to join in laboring to achieve the impossible but forever to be desired ideal, permanent peace of the world."

Of the four Commis The Question of sions into which the Leadership original Russian programme was divided, M. Victor Bourgeois, of France, Count di Tornielli, of Italy, M. Beernaert, of Belgium, and Professor Martens, of Russia, were appointed acting presidents. The German delegation presented a proposal for the constitution of an international court of appeal for naval prizes, to which the support of England was immediately pledged by one of her delegates, and that of the United States by General Porter. A letter from Mr. Choate was read announcing that he would present to one of the Commissions the question of the collection of public debts by force, and that he might also present other questions not mentioned in the programme. The Drago Doctrine will thus be brought before the Congress for serious consideration. The American attitude on the question of the limitation of armaments has been defined in the statement that our Government regards this matter as pre-eminently a European question, and, in view of the divergence of views among the European Powers, and the unwillingness of any of them to assume the responsibility, does not feel justified at the outset of the Conference in interjecting an issue which might jeopardize the important work achiev able. "Nevertheless, the United States does not want to see the door closed, and the reservation is made to protect her right to introduce the subject if for any reason later she should decide to do so." It would be absurd from every point of view to surrender the leadership of this great movement into Russian hands at a time when Russia is the most prominent representative of reactionarism in the world. More than any other country she needs the opportunity to reorganize her government and to develop her resources in a period of peace. Her military prestige has received an almost fatal blow at the hands of the Japanese. She is apparently on the

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