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cratic Party. At this Congress I did not adhere to either the Bolsheviki or the Mensheviki, for a divergence in some essential points of view concerning the Russian Revolution estranged me from both. I then established myself at Vienna, from which I made frequent trips to Berlin, being in continuous relations with the Left of the German Social-Democrats. I contributed to the Central Organ of the German Party and to their theoretical periodicals, Die Neue Zeit and the Vienna Kampf. I made several lecturetours in Europe, in this way maintaining personal relations with my Russian confrères and with the Western Socialists. At Vienna, in 1908, I published, together with Comrade Joffe and our former Comrade Skobelev, a popular journal, Pravda (Truth), which was being secretly sent into Russia. During the Balkan war I visited - in my quality of journalist - Serbia and Bulgaria. Later, during the Peace Conference of Bucharest, I went to Rumania. Thus I personally acquainted myself with the Socialist parties of the Balkans. In 1909 I published in German a book on The Russian Revolution.

The World War surprised me in Austria. On August 3, 1914, I was obliged, in order to avoid arrest, to leave the country together with my family inside of three hours, abandoning my books and manuscripts. I spent the first months in Zurich, where I published a small book in German, The War and the Internationale. This book was secretly introduced into Germany and caused there several arrests and a trial in which the author of the book was sentenced in absentia to several months' imprisonment. I left for France as a correspondent of the Kievskaia Mysl (Kiev's Thought). There I had to stay for two years, all the time being in close contact with the

Left of the French Socialists and Syndicalists. Together with French delegates, I took part, in August 1915, in the Zimmerwald Conference.

With the aid of some Russian friends I directed at Paris a small Russian daily intended chiefly for readers from among Russian emigrants: Nashe Slovo (Our Word). This paper untiringly fought against chauvinist and opportunist tendencies of the Labor movement; and the French military censorship did not give us a moment's peace. Our journal was suppressed three times, and each time it reappeared under a new title.

At the end of September 1916, I was expelled from France, two French police inspectors accompanying me to the frontier. On this occasion my letter to the ex-Minister Jules Guesde was published in Paris. Ten days after my arrival in Spain I was arrested and put in prison, on a report of the French police, as a dangerous agitator. The police escorted me finally to Cádiz, where I lived for two months under surveillance. I was to be deported to one of the American republics, because England, Italy, and Switzerland had all of them refused hospitality to a Russian political emigrant, an internationalist exiled from France. At the end of December I embarked with my family in a steamer at Barcelona and not long after arrived in New York.

At New York I fought in the Socialist ranks mostly in the Russian and the German sections; worked in the American press; fought against the intervention of America in the war.

The news of the Russian Revolution interrupted me. Together with my family I took the first Norwegian steamer to Europe; but at Halifax the English military authorities inspected all steamers, and I was held, together with five other companions. We were interned in a war-prisoners' camp as

'agitators dangerous to the Allied cause.' After a month of detention, which I spent among German workers and sailors, the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of Petrograd claimed my release through the Provisionary Government of Russia, whose Foreign Minister was Mr. Miliukov, and I regained my freedom.

Upon my return to Russia I devoted myself to organizing the United Inter

national Social-Democrats, and to the cause of their speedy union with the Bolsheviki, from whom no important differences separated us any longer. Common effort was imperative.

After the July revolt of 1917 the Kerenskii-Tseretelli-Skobelev Government caused me to be arrested on a charge of high treason. I spent some two months at the Kresty in Petrograd. The rest is known.

EGYPT AND THE GREEKS

BY J. ALBERT FAURE

[M. Faure's article is especially interesting at this time when excavations of early Egyptian civilization in the Valley of the Kings and of pre-Greek civilization at Knossos are dividing the attention of the world. His view of the interrelationship of the two civilizations is not, however, so entirely new as he appears to believe. Certainly it was shared by that ancient Egyptian priest who remarked to Herodotus that the Greeks were merely imitative children — an opinion which Herodotus, like an honest man, reported.]

From La Nouvelle Revue, February 1
(LITERARY AND POLITICAL SEMIMONTHLY)

WHEN an idea has got its roots into men's minds by a long tradition and generations of instruction, no matter whether it is intellectual, æsthetic, moral or anything else, it is no longer examined to see whether it is sensible or not. From that time onward it has entered the domain of sanctified beliefs and attained the rank of a dogma, which it is sacrilege to discuss. That is the reason why so many famous men, so many scientists and philosophers, so many writers and thinkers, have held views of the origins of Hellenic civilization whose obvious falsity would instantly have struck minds less carefully prepared.

long been held that Greek civilization, the mother of our Western civilization, was indebted to nothing save itself, underwent in its origin and during its later developments practically no influence coming from without. With varying degrees of emphasis, it has been repeated that in this privileged corner of the earth alone a chosen portion of humanity drew from its own inner depths all the marvels of art, literature, science and philosophy. It is the object of this article to show that it was not so, and that, especially in the field of philosophy, Greece was in a certain measure tributary to Egypt. A complete demonstration is imBy virtue of this principle, it has possible, for the problem cannot be

VOL. 317-NO. 4118

wholly solved to-day; but is it not something to explain the basis on which it rests, and is it not something to bring even a single stone toward the structure that others will complete in times to come, when the science of Egyptology shall have made all the progress that we have a right to hope in view of the accomplishments of the men who have followed up Champollion and the earlier students?

Three great races, preeminent for their creative ability, worked together toward the founding of civilization: the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and the pre-Greek peoples. It is to them that Greek culture properly so-called goes back; and in this collective work Egypt played a large part, its influence being exercised first of all upon the pre-Greek peoples, whose heirs were the Greeks of Ionia and the Greeks of classic times. Successful excavations in the island of Crete, in the Peloponnesus, and in Asia Minor on the site of the ancient cityor rather the ancient cities of Troy, bear witness to the existence of civilizations already advanced at a period in the second and third milleniums before our era. These civilizations

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haps this civilization, for they have clearly characteristics in common reveal an Oriental influence more or less marked. Thus, for example, one finds numerous resemblances between objects of Mycenæan art and specimens of Egyptian art, whether decorative or industrial.

There is definite proof that relations existed between the dwellers in continental Greece and the Egyptians, even if one prefers to regard Mycenæan art as influencing Egyptian, rather than the reverse. The palace at Knossos in Crete, which was laid bare by M. Evans, was probably constructed after an Egyptian model, and in conformity to the principles of Egyptian architecture. This palace must have been

built between 2500 and 1800 years before our era, probably about 2200 or 2000 within a few centuries, which indicates that relations between the Greeks, or at least between their predecessors and the Egyptians, were very ancient. But there is more to come. Some 1200 or 1300 years B.C. certainly sometime between 1000 and 1400 years, or during, before, and after the Trojan War - we see the peoples of Asia Minor joining in several leagues against Egypt. These were the Teucrians, the Danaeans, the Tyrrhenians, the Achæans, and the Siculi. It has even been asserted that the epic made in honor of a victory over the Syrians by the Pharaoh known as Rameses II, or Sesostris of the Nineteenth Egyptian Dynasty, must have inspired Homer's Iliad.

No doubt this epic must have made a great stir first of all-as is natural

in Egypt itself, since the text has been carved on several temples either in whole or in part, and then also because Asiatics who came in contact with the Nile civilization through war, trade, or simple treaties must certainly have carried echoes of it to the ears of the Greeks, who were then beginning to enter upon their historic rôle. But to conclude from this that the Egyptian epic necessarily influenced the formation of the Iliad is a very different thing; and in this respect an influence exercised by Egypt over Greece is so purely problematical that it is useless to attempt to discuss it.

But we leave hypothesis and enter the realm of fact when we observe a close likeness between the standing statue of Apollo found at Tenea near Corinth and Egyptian statues of the old empire that is to say, the most ancient known period of Egyptian history. Now as an archaic style was fashionable in the later periods of Egyptian history, and as artists copied

the masterpieces executed by their ancestors, the Greeks had every opportunity to imitate Egyptian models of every period and every school, even before King Psammetichus gave them free access to the Nile Valley. But still more striking is the almost identical pose of the seated statues called Branchides, which lined the Sacred Way leading to the temple of the Didymian Apollo at Miletus, and the seated statues of Egypt, some of which go back to the most distant ages, like those of Khephren of the Fourth Dynasty. The Milesian statues, like the Egyptian, have their hands on their knees, and hold their legs one against the other. One can easily see it by comparing them with the statues of Memnon set up by Amenophis III of the Eighteenth Dynasty, which antedated the Greek copies by several centuries, perhaps as much as eight hundred years. Such examples enable us to see how the early Greek civilization, or the pre-Greek civilization, and later on the brilliant Ionian civilization, were influenced by that of Egypt.

Thanks to Champollion's deciphering of the hieroglyphics, and thanks also to the work of the scientific men who after him gave their energy to bring old Egypt back to life, we are to-day in a position to form some idea of the texts that are written on stone or engraved upon papyrus. An ample collection of documents of every sort has been made by several generations of Egyptologists, who have enriched science by their discoveries and have set right numerous errors that had gained credence with regard to Egyptian civilization. Unfortunately, these documents, however abundant, certainly constitute no more than a little part of the numerous quantity of books heaped up in the libraries and temples of the Pharaohs; and so the task of filling up the gaps remains. That is why

we find authors giving such different interpretations to Egyptian religion.

We are compelled to fall back on the documents that are at our disposal, and to draw from them such conclusions as in the present state of our knowledge may be considered probable, if not final. At least, we may be able to give a fairly satisfactory idea of the moral and intellectual civilization of Egypt in the first thousand years before our era, more especially in the seventh and sixth centuries- that is to say, at the time when the Greeks were finally coming into relations with the Egyptians. Let us then sketch in a general picture of this brilliant civilization; but before we do so, let us examine how the Greeks gained access to the Nile.

About the year 650 B.C., for political reasons which do not concern us here, the Pharaoh Psammetichus I, founder of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty, called in the Greeks from Asia Minor to his aid. From that time on, under this king and his successors, certain territories were granted to them at the mouths of the Nile. In the sixth century, the Pharaoh Amasis was especially noted for his phil-Hellenic policy. He assigned a district to the colonists on which they set up a whole Greek city called Naucratis. The Greeks, however, established themselves almost everywhere: at Memphis, at Abydos, and in the great oases. So Greeks of every origin-Ionians and Kariens from Asia Minor, island Greeks and Greeks from the continent itself, as well as Greeks from Cyrene spread over all Egypt, since it was a favored land of amazing fertility, where life was very pleasant and very easy, not only in material resources but also in the peaceful and highly civilized character of the inhabitants. As M. Milhaud has said, it is a fact of supreme importance that only after this migration took

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place did Greek science and philosophy and most charming civilization. Let us begin to flourish.

At this time Egyptian civilization was the wonder of foreign travelers. In spite of a previous political decadence that had lasted several centuries, and that made itself felt in all fields of human activities (though it has been somewhat exaggerated), the accession of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty was the signal for a veritable Renaissance of art, science, and literature, which recalled the flowering-time of Pharaohs of the past.

Lofty moral conceptions dominated society, inspiring a whole group of civil and criminal laws which were wisely arranged and won the admiration of all antiquity. Chapter 125 of the Book of the Dead, which includes the justification of the soul- the socalled negative confession before the tribunal of Osiris - and which provides us moderns with a summary of Egyptian morality, shows us how fine and lofty that moral sense was. With good reason this negative confession has been compared to the Decalogue of the Hebrews; and in the ancient authors who have come down to us, especially Herodotus and Diodorus, we find proof that this moral code had its reflection in Egyptian institutions. Diodorus would even have us believe that Solon borrowed some of his laws from the Egyptians, and this is indeed highly probable, in view of Egypt's overwhelming superiority to neighboring peoples, and the irresistible attraction which it could not fail to exercise over a young people eager to learn and endowed with the richest gifts, who had never yet given free rein to their creative power, but whose marvelous genius was to bloom a century after Solon.

Before the Greeks appear in authentic history, it was certainly the Egyptians who brought into the ancient world its most complete, most brilliant,

add that education was widely spread throughout the country. In addition to the priestly class, who had a monopoly in science and letters, a great number of scribes and state officials represent the cultivated element in the population. Each great city possessed one school or several, which were connected with the temples and formed real priestly colleges. It was to these famous cities, tradition says, that the greatest scholars and philosophers of Greece went. The most frequented were Saïs, Bubastis, Tanis, Heliopolis, Memphis, Hermoupolis, Abydos, and Thebes. The priestly college of Heliopolis had a reputation everywhere and the most illustrious Greeks went there as part of their education.

Under the Twenty-sixth Dynastythat is from the accession of Psammetichus I to the death of Amasis and the taking of Egypt by the Persians, in other words, from 650 B.C. to 525 B.C. the Greeks could visit the Valley of the Nile, live there, and study under the best conditions. And even later, under Persian domination, nothing prevented travelers, historians, and statesmen from traveling at ease through Egypt, studying its customs, arts, and religious beliefs, as the example of Herodotus shows.

Once we have shown the possibility of intellectual relations between Egypt and Greece, we must examine the nature of these relations. Of course it is not a question of establishing a direct inheritance of Egyptian ideas and conceptions by the early Greek philosophers. That is something we can hardly dream of in the present state of our knowledge. It is simply a matter of showing that Egyptian thought must have exercised some influence over Greek thought. On the other hand, it is equally necessary to avoid the opposite blunder of denying any

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