Landwehr, whose book, Übervölkertes Land, has just appeared in Vienna. He calculates that the economic catastrophe of the overpopulated districts of Western and Middle Europe is very probable in the few years ahead of us. Perhaps between 1940 and 1950 the normal capacity for supporting their population will be reached by states in that part of the continent. But at the same time he shows by figures the possibility of salvation. In the last one hundred and twenty years the number of the earth's inhabitants has nearly doubled, and yet the earth, taken as a whole, is nowhere near the point of overpopulation, since only fifteen per cent of its area is under the plough, and sixty-three per cent more could be brought under. It will be a long time before the earth as a whole is overpopulated.

But for Europe the situation is quite different. In this same period the European population has increased two and one half times. In 1910 it had 450,000,000 inhabitants, and there was a yearly increase of .88 per cent that is, 3,960,000. If the World War had not broken out, there would have been 530,000,000 between 1920 and 1930; but, in spite of this war and its consequence, this figure will be reached between 1940 and 1950 all the same. The momentary setback of population figures and the lowering of the birth rate hinder the rise in population in the long run just as little as the Napoleonic Wars did in their time.

Five hundred and thirty million Europeans or, to be exact, 528,000,000 is, as the author shows by numerous statistics, a very conservative estimate of the population of our part of the world to-day. Europe possesses 5,280,000 square kilometres of arable land, and on every square kilometre stand one hundred inhabit

ants. Such an agricultural area, even by the aid of an industrial system, can hardly support more human beings, such as the general overpopulation of Europe with all its disastrous consequences. "Then Europe would be completely dependent on importation from other parts of the world, instead of only partly dependent as to-day.'

In order to pay for such importation all Europe must become as highly developed industrially as England and Germany now are. The world must also be arranged in such a way that export of industrial products and a supply of imported foodstuffs are assured. But both these conditions are extremely improbable for the divided Europe of to-day. Such are the dismal prospects for a quarter of the earth which, although the smallest, has hitherto been the most powerful among its competitors, but which nevertheless can be cut off from foreign trade as a whole, just as its central states were cut off during the World War, if it is ever compelled to struggle for its world position.

In contrast to these figures the author, again basing his position on statistics, presents a very different picture of a Europe that can still endure for a long time if it really desires to do so. As yet not all of Europe is overpopulated; only its western and central portions are affected. The east, notably Russia, has as many inhabitants too few as the other parts have too many - an underpopulation of 98,000,000 as against an overpopulation of 76,000,000. Moreover, the land under cultivation represents only half of the available area of the continent, provided the forests, which to-day represent twenty-eight per cent, are reduced to twenty per cent, and the eight per cent thus gained is devoted to growing cereals. In that way 82,900,000 hectares would be gained

that is more than half of the present agricultural area.

One must also count on the possibility of improving agricultural methods themselves, which on an average are yielding only twelve hectolitres for each hectare, whereas it could be brought to yield over thirty. In Belgium even to-day thirty-five hectolitres are produced, in the Netherlands thirty-two, and in Denmark thirty. Without looking for miracles or new discoveries, it is still possible to find

means of safety and deliverance. These means must be employed, however, and they must be employed before the expiration of the present century. We and our children cannot live as independent Europeans. Our grandchildren will be more independent than we if the short period of eighty years is employed to perfect an organization of the threatened portion of the earth, which will bring these states and nations into coöperative unity for their own salvation.

It was on the eighteenth of February, 1861, that Count di Cavour presented to an astonished Europe the figure of Italy vested in sovereignty.

On a computation of time alone it may be observed that the unity of Italy was brought about in twenty-one months; but, using as a standard the price of blood, it may be seen that the deaths on the battlefield were not very much more numerous than those on the gallows, in the prisons, and in exile. Again, in case our dignified historians dislike the conditional participle if, it may also be observed that Italian unity came about in consequence of the benign confluence of so many ifs as to justify the old cry of '48: 'God wills it!'

On that historic day, the eighteenth of February, 1861, the deputies met at Turin, and great were the acclamations of Italy reborn, and magnificent the celebrations and ceremonies. Italy received this homage draped in her royal mantle and crowned with the regal diadem.

An oration followed on behalf of Italy, which Cavour would have preferred more simple in form; but in those days an involved style and sounding phrases were much relished by Italians.

The person who represented 'Italia' said: "This is the mantle, and this the crown! A more magnificent mantle and a more ancient diadem the world cannot show!'

The attics of the old patrician houses, so the tailors complained, were ransacked for antique and ornate costumes of the glorious past. Unhappily most of these were no longer in style, but they might be altered. However, a middle way was found, a tailored costume, in the English style — very very practical. 'Italy, Queen by the Grace of God and the Will of the Nation!"

The seat of government in which Italia received the representatives of the people was a modest one, for the reason that two large salons, those of Venice and Rome, were unoccupied. But they would be filled soon. The newspapers did not print all the congratulatory dispatches of the various foreign Powers, as they had not yet arrived.

Italia was pleased to receive the homage of the individual representatives; and when the delegates from the south were presented many of them complained of their treatment under the Bourbons.

'Your name?'

'Liborio Romano, a man of liberal ideas and a citizen well deserving of his country!'

Liborio Romano spoke with a persistent smile, a polished manner, and marvelous eloquence.

'Oh, what an expansive old fellow!' exclaimed Italia. 'If this is old age, what may we expect of youth?'

'Beware of such effusive persons, my daughter,' observed Cavour, 'who talk so glibly. This benevolent smile, this courteous manner - he showed all this already to the King, his master, and to the prisoners of his KingGaribaldi, Mazzini, myself—yes, and to thee!'

counterfeit liberal, nor has he bad faith in his heart. He acts in good faith with me, with thee, with himself. He is simply vain and timorous at the same time. He is an Italian Greek, as it were. Hast thou forgotten thy godfather, the Marquis Massimo d'Azeglio, who held you at the baptismal font in Europe's presence? He was an aristocrat filled with prejudices, who could not bear to offer the hand to such gentry, and therefore he bequeathed the task to me!'

But behold the silver salvers in the hands of the chamberlains, heaped up with missives. They are supplications, requests for honors and for positions; but not a single letter of congratulation from a Great Power.

Italia, decked out in mantle and crown, sat at the banquet of her people, as the poets put it, but the Powers contented themselves with viewing the scene through their opera-glasses!

Then Cavour spoke to the representatives of the people, and said: 'I ask you to consider the question carefully, gentlemen. When a people rises into being suddenly, daring to risk its very existence do I say risk?

when this existence has been obstinately denied by the veterans of European diplomacy - can you expect that this event will be heralded with applause by the world?'

Cavour worked hard for eight hours every day, and often the dawn found him still sleepless. But he was always in good spirits, and many a time a clasp of the hand or some ironical jest served to soften the rigor of his task.

Italia often had recourse to Cavour's writing-desk, with its mass of documents and letters, which have since been gathered into volumes and published, and much consulted in those trying days, but, since Italy has be

come strong and great, heeded no more. Then, however, being in the age of adolescence, Italia read some of these letters.

Among them was a reply to a noble English lady, who had recommended to Cavour's favor a young officer of the Neapolitan navy, quite undeserving.

'Do you know, dear lady,' he wrote, 'why Naples has fallen so low? Because the laws did not function in the case of a person of high rank, or one under the protection of the King, or some prince, or his confessor. Do you know when Naples will be restored? When the laws are enforced severely, strictly, and justly!'

And in another letter we read: 'I believe it is my duty to be severe, and to leave to my subordinates the quality of gentleness.'

"This is very fine,' exclaimed Italia. 'It sounds simple, like the books written for the edification of children.'

In another, very confidential letter to a relative, William de la Rive of Geneva, dated March 1861, after the proclamation of the kingdom, Italia found these words, originally written in French: 'But to-day, dear William, my task is harder and greater even than before. Italy is born, but we must now establish her firmly on the throne; fuse together the many elements of which she is composed; harmonize the north and the south. This is a much more difficult task than a war against Austria or the struggle with Rome.'

Italia, as we know, was not content. She wanted Rome and Venice. And Cavour wrote letter after letter to certain leaders of the Hungarian people with a view to combining with them for an attack on Austria. Other letters he wrote also to his emissaries, ecclesiastic and secular, in order to see whether it were possible that Pius IX could be brought to repeat that beautiful

phrase of '48: "Thou Great God, bless Italy!'

Italia read these words: 'Italy, firstborn daughter of Holy Mother Church, went a little astray in 1849, but now she is regenerate and governed by wise and honest men. O Holy Father, welcome her within the sacred walls of Rome!'

At the approach of Easter, 1861, Cavour was expecting to receive from Rome a branch of olive, the symbol of eternal peace between the Church and State, between the Papacy and the Italian people.'

And Italia read also these words: 'If this peace prevails, the joy of the world will be greater than that which was caused, nineteen centuries ago, by the entrance of the Lord into Jerusalem!'

And again: "The irritating question of the temporal power of the Church will disappear; the Pope will be more powerful in Rome than any of his predecessors ever was, because Italy will be the devoted and zealous protector of the Papacy, as her most splendid national institution.'

'Have you too become a poet, Papa Cavour?'

'A pity, my daughter, if a statesman cannot be a poet as well!'

But Pius IX harbored bitter memories of the events that took place after he had spoken those memorable words, "Thou Great God, bless Italy!' when in Rome in 1849, as he said: 'All the demagogues of Italy had gathered and let off their musket-volleys at the Quirinal itself.'

As Pius IX was a weak man, though Pope, I believe that he took this expression of Cavour's desire as an impertinence.

And this man, who after all was not devoid of intelligence, interpreted the pious and persuasive words of Cavour,

'Open your arms, Holy Father, to Italy your first-born!' as meaning 'One way or the other, we shall see the same thing at Rome.'

Before the outbreak of the war of liberation of 1859, during a tour in Romagna in 1857, he had told some of his friends of the old-time liberal stamp how he would always regard the question of united Italy, saying: 'Piedmont, influenced by antireligious ideas, wants to dominate the whole country.'

With his accustomed firmness and astuteness Cavour had won over Romagna, Umbria, and other districts. Now he was attempting the same thing with Rome! The blandishments of the great statesman, combined with the Garibaldian 'Rome or death!' were sufficient to occasion the Holy Father

plenty of worry and frequent crises of

nerves.

Upon which Cavour thus commented: 'The Pope's nervous attacks do not alarm me. Being an irresolute and nervous man, each fit of this kind will be followed by a period of calm in which he may possibly be brought to see the truth.'

It was also difficult for Cavour to make France understand the truth. And not so much the Emperor Napoleon, who was both weak and obstinate, but also the grand seigneurs of the Paris salons, who, said Cavour, defended with the greatest obstinacy the Rome of the Papacy, and believed more in a papal bull than in the Gospel itself.

To this point Cavour had brought his creation, Italy, when he died.