INTRODUCTION то THE PRESENT EDITION. On a new edition of Horatius Restitutus appearing, some account may naturally be expected of what has been done, in the way of addition and improvement, to constitute an increased claim for its kind reception with the lovers of Roman literature. In the first place, the Preliminary Dissertation remains in the arrangement of its principal parts the same as before; and though with great enlargement in the materials of new and interesting observation, yet not so far, it is hoped, as to render any one topic disproportionate or tedious. To preserve as much as possible something like unity in the composition, such new subjects as from their importance seemed to justify a larger discussion, it has been thought advisable to form into separate articles of Appendix, with the best arrangement which the diversity of nature in many of them would permit. Amongst other additions, the Chronological Table now so much extended in its plan, pp. 90-94, may fairly be reckoned. I am indebted to Lord Holland's kindness, who has taken a most friendly interest in Horatius Restitutus, for the very just suggestion, that greater particularity and fulness of detail would give increased value to the Chronology, which beyond a doubt was too brief before. And Mr. H. Fynes Clinton, whose judgment I solicited on the MS. in its altered state, honoured me with the following reply: that after a careful examination he thought it very much. improved by the addition made of testimonies from the works of Horace in the fourth column, and that he perfectly understood the design in this Chronology, not to illustrate history from Horace, but rather Horace from history. "This design," he adds, "you have fulfilled in a very complete and satisfactory manner; and your tables, as now enlarged, will render great assistance to the future students of Horace." It cannot be impertinent here, in allusion to P. D. 81, 2. to announce; that a Memoir of the Life and Times of Horace—with a regular parallel in the events of Roman history and in the biography of contemporary poets- has been sketched with great exactness by Mr. Charles Wordsworth, of Winchester, in a sheet privately printed and for limited circulation only. Professedly formed, as it is, on the basis of the Preliminary Dissertation and of the Fasti Hellenici, and already carried down to the publication of the third book of Odes, it has deserved and received my very hearty approbation. And I record with much pleasure Mr. Clinton's opinion, which on such a subject is quite decisive : "it will be a valuable guide and eminently useful to young men engaged in academical studies." In the additional space which this volume has demanded, the largest share is claimed by the Dissertation on the METRES OF HORACE; which in its prefatory pages (159161) sufficiently enumerates the different authors to whom my obligations are due. Let me, however, in particular reference to Dr. Herbert, take this opportunity to premise that as far as he has clearly shown the way, in that curious line of the leading accents essential to the right constitution of verse, I have freely availed myself of his guidance; and that where I have felt less assurance on any points in his doctrine, I have stated the facts without comment, and left the farther application for other scholars to demonstrate. Nor may the gratification be denied to me of stating, that in the month of January, 1836, the Dissertation itself was drawn up as it now stands, chiefly on existing materials, with the aid of my son and successor in the School of Richmond, Mr. James Tate, a sound and elegant scholar, as well as a faithful and diligent preceptor. And here, if the overflowing matter may be excused for seeking admission into a place not properly its own, let the two following ADDENDA be accepted towards completing or extending the separate articles to which they belong. I. In the Familiar Day of Horace, Appendix, pp. (100), (101), (102), I have shown in what style and on what conditions he professed to entertain his friends, and have exhibited another variety of good fellowship, which was partly managed at the common expense of the parties. Now a reader who is not sufficiently aware of the difference betwixt that age and our own, may naturally ask: "Had the gentlemen of Rome then no other plan for enjoying the social hour but those which you have here described ?" None, that I am aware of, is apparent in the pages of Horace. For the scenes which you may perhaps imagine adapted to that purpose, were in our poet's time evidently unknown in any such With him, the caupona occurs only as an inn for the entertainment of travellers, 1 S. v. 51; 1 E. XI. 12; XVII. 8; the popina, as an eating-house (with its frequenter popino) dirty and discreditable, 2 S. Iv. 62; vII. 39; 1 E. XIV. 21; and, finally, the taberna (in the only pertinent acceptation of the word) as nothing more or less than a mere wine-shop, and one to which very low persons resorted, 1 E. xv. 24. In short, any thing like our tavern, or use. other place of reception for a party to dine, seems to have been unknown at Rome in the age of Augustus. In the well-known invitation to Torquatus, 1 E. v. 2. that olus omne of a dinner may well excite our wonder; and if strictly so understood, can hardly expect to be credited. Let any person, however, who entertains such a doubt, betake himself to Tully's Epistles, Fam. vII. 26, and there he will read, among the practical effects of the Lex sumtuaria rigidly enforced during the usurpation of Cæsar, that Cicero from eating vegetables only, but very highly dressed, in cœnâ Augurali apud Lentulum, incurred a dysentery which had nearly been the death of him. If such was the habitual frugality of Horace's meal, we may be the less surprised at his unquestionable nicety with regard to its concomitant, good water. With him, indeed, this was a necessary of the first importance: and it is curious to trace his own repeated mention of it from 1 S. v. 7, 8. where he could eat no dinner because the water was bad, through his wish, 2 S. vi. 2. for the jugis aquæ fons, and his pride in possessing, 3 C. xvi. 29. Puræ rivus aquæ.-down to the inquiry at a late period, 1 E. xv. 15, 16. what kind of water the inhabitants of Velia and Salernum enjoyed. Collectosne bibant imbres, puteosne perennes II. Horace, when recounting the many annoyances from which his comparative poverty and his humble rank exempted him, includes this also: The necessity then to maintain those comites would have formed in his estimate one of the miseries of wealth and high birth. From whence, it may be asked, did this adjunct of nobility and opulence arise, which so marked civil society in the age of Augustus? Clearly enough, its origin was military, in the custom for young men of family to go out as contubernales to commanders in chief and governors of provinces, and under their eye to learn all the virtutes imperatorias whether of provincial policy or of the art of war. The authority of Cicero for the military practice in his day is very explicit. Take two instances as presented by Ernesti in his valuable Index Latinitatis. Pro Cn. Plancio, § 11. and Pro M. Cœlio, § 30. it is stated as a fact highly honourable to their characters, that the one enjoyed the contubernii necessitudo with Aulus Torquatus, and that the other went into Africa to be Q. Pompeio Proconsuli contubernalis. For a period not much later, the words of Horace may be considered sufficiently clear, as when at 1 S. VII. 25. he mentions the comites of Brutus, and at 1 E. VIII. 2. he writes to Celsus Albinovanus, comiti scribæque Neronis, with the cohors also of that young prince (v. 14) alluded to. In a brief sketch like this, one more example, but that of a splendid name, may suffice. The young Agricola, as we are told by Tacitus, § 5. Prima castrorum rudimenta Suetonio Paullino diligenti ac moderato duci approbavit, electus, quem contubernio æstimaret. Now, by what process the transition took place from the contubernalis of the Prætorium abroad to the comes of the mansion or the villa at home, it may be a difficult office to develope. But the two Epistles, xvII. and xvIII. to Scæva and to Lollius, (of which the latter supplies the term comitem, v. 30. in sequence to dives amicus, v. 24. as the correlative, followed by potentis amici, v. 44. in the same meaning,) abundantly demonstrate, that the relation of such a minor to such a major amicus prevailed much in the highest Roman society, at the time when Horace wrote |