UNTA ROSA, CALIF

"Duff" Armstrong, the man in the center of the above picture (reproduced from an old, undated photograph), figured in a celebrated case in which Abraham Lincoln acted as his counsel, while Lincoln was practicing law in Illinois. Mr. Henry C. Taylor, of Lombard, Illinois, who sends us the picture and the accompanying description, says:

"Duff' Armstrong was a man who objected to being photographed, and I know of but one other picture of him, and that was owned by his brother, whose picture appears at the right of that of 'Duff.' I append herewith the story as told me by 'Duff' Armstrong's brother at Oakford, Illinois, several years ago. A book has been published entitled "The Graysons' in which this incident figures. This particular picture was taken at the race-track at Petersburg, Illinois, which is located within two or three miles of the site of Old Salem, where Lincoln kept store. The story as told me by the brother is as follows:

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'Duff' Armstrong was one of the wild, reckless fellows of whom there were a good many in that part of Illinois at that time. A camp-meeting was being held at the grove a few miles east of Oakford, between Oakford and Mason City, and a number of these young fellows were hanging around the outskirts of the camp-meeting, as was so often done in those days. At some time during the evening they got into an altercation, and one of the men in the party was struck

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EARS ago there appeared an article in The Outlook on "Paternalism in Government." This Father-Government which the writer described was Germany. But the author

not only described but questioned the results. Does such solicitous care really mature a people? In the days of storm can such a pampered folk stand? Does a paternalistic government make for character? To-day these questions are answered. When that article was written, paternalism in Germany was in full swing. The cost of living was low, the wants, not the needs, of the people were supplied, workmen were well housed, pensions were provided for old age, farmers were assisted by long-term loans-in short, the German Government in a fatherly way was lovingly (?) caring for the people, and the people had no need to take thought for the future; they could happily and peacefully live for the day alone. The German Government (was it purposely?) had provided a little paradise here on earth for its children, and, having dosed them well with this soothing-syrup of physical content, the Regierung proceeded to prepare for war. The German people, luxuriating in plenty, were blissfully uninterested, and therefore innocently uninformed of plots and world plans, and when the German papers announced the ultimatum of August, 1914, these same beguiled and blinded and uninformed people rubbed their eyes and said, "It cannot mean war," and when war actually was declared they lived as in an evil dream. During the night, while people slept, troops were noiselessly moved, horses in some magic way were spirited out of the towns, the people knew not how when, the trains moved with speed and unerring order that caused bewilderment to these German folks. It seemed impossible to them that this uncanny upturning of life could have reality to it; it must be an ugly dream.

or

The war is over, the paternal Government has disappeared, and these children of the Government are thrown, not only helplessly upon themselves, but against a world filled with hostile faces. There is not a friend on this globe for this people led, I am absolutely convinced, unwittingly into the net which the Kaiser and the military party spun. There is in this day of storm not one friendly hand held out to help, and God pity the world when these people, with their almost barbarian Kraft and energy and large reproductiveness, have been ruined, not only economically, but morally and spiritually, and turn again upon their enemies. The German without religion can be a revolting bar1 See editorial on another page.-The Editors.

BY IDA DONGES STAUDT

barian, as the war revealed. Let a people become bitter and hard, as the Germans are becoming, starve and .freeze them, as is being done this winter, let them feel that the whole world is against them, and what can you expect? What can you expect of a people who needed to think little for themselves in the past, whose character has not been made firm by testing and struggle, and who can turn to-day nowhere for aid?

America fought against Germany and, we believe, rightfully, if a war can ever be called right. America made possible German defeat, and, we believe, rightfully. But did America fight against Germany and Austria to ruin these nations? Was that our purpose? Whether it was our purpose or not, this is what our aloofness is helping to do. Germany and Austria are being ruined, as every living being who has been in these lands for other purposes than to profit by their plight will testify.

The pastors in Germany during the war, we said, did not think straight and we condemned them; but one thing is sure they see now. Every Sunday, leaning over the pulpit, the ministers are pleading that Germany do not lose its soul, that the Germans keep love in their hearts. Strange that the soul life should be so closely linked to the body life, but so it is. In Austria the kronen, in Germany the mark-in both countries money absorbs the whole life. The value of the mark as it fluctuates each day frightens, paralyzes, or rouses; it always does something, and does it with

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vengeance, especially in Germany. Those who possess some marks grow selfish, callous, heartless; they say, Let us eat, drink, and be merry to-day with our marks, for to-morrow they are valueless. Buy to-day, spend to-day, spend all; for if you save, the Reparation Commission will take the money from you in the form of taxes, or if you wait until to-morrow the dollar has steigt and prices have soared and your money is cut. This is the effect upon the earning class. One wonders when first you enter Austria or Germany why all coffee-houses are full, restaurants, theaters, operas, all places of amusement. This is why: they are spending to-day. German thriftiness is going.

The poorer class is now the Communistic class. When a man of this poorer class is cold and coal is quite beyond his ability to buy, clothing not even within considering reach, when he is hungry and food is about beyond his ability to purchase, then this man becomes dehumanized. He breaks bakers' windows, he throws acid on the finely dressed, he lays bombs. In Düsseldorf and Dresden the Communistic mob has already worked havoc.

To quite understand conditions you must be a buyer in Germany, and you must stand back in the little shops and look and listen. Sugar, black bread, and coal are being sold by card, as in war time.

Sugar by card costs 98 marks per pound; without card, 180 marks.

Black bread by card costs 75 marks per pound (it jumped on the day I am writing from 29 marks to 75 marks); without card, 190 marks.

Coal by card, undelivered, is 1,350 marks per zentner, and a zentner contains 100 pounds (German); without card, 1,800 marks.

We are in a tea and coffee store where sugar is being sold by card. An old man, thinly clad, hears the price, and gives a little groan; he counts his dirty marks; he has ones and twos and tens; he hands them out reluctantly. The busy dapper young clerk says, mercilessly, "Ten lacking;" again the old man groans, fumbles through his worn purse, and hands over another ten; there are not many more marks left.

Now we are in a Bäckerei. There are the weary, old, and the lusty young waiting their turn. An old man, neatly but shabbily dressed, asks the price of white bread, a very small loaf. The answer is, "One hundred and twenty marks." He hesitates. "My wife," he says, distressingly, "cannot stand the black bread." "Yes," the clerk answers, sympathetically, "it is heavy;" and it is. The lusty raise their voices in protest. "How much for this bun?" some one asks. "Twenty-five marks," is the answer. "Schrecklich!" comes back the rebound from the powerfully built German Frau; the others look at one another and say, "Es ist furchtbar!"

In the bakeries there is a little restraint, for the food for sale and saleslady are carefully protected by glass windows and food is handed out through an opening into the small corridor where the buyers assemble. But in the grocery stores movements are unconfined, and tongues seem to be thereby loosened, and between groceryman and customer there are often bitter words as well as often spirited jokes. The groceryman says that he does not make the prices, but the invisible maker cannot be reached and feelings must have some outlet.

But the coal-dealer's life is one hard tragedy. Between the police and the people who want more than their apportioned amount, which is 45 zentners a year for a family, and the people who want to pay less than the regulated price, the walking of the path of rectitude for the coal man is next to impossible. The very poor have sold their

2 All these prices are as of last December.The Editors.

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coal cards long ago and they must freeze, and even the well-to-do cannot buy great quantities at the present price; therefore home life in Germany is going, as well as thriftiness, for it is cheaper to sit in a coffee-house, where it is warm, than heat your own home.

It is a rainy, dreary Monday, and it rains most of the time in Leipsic. A Sister of one of the churches is going her daily rounds of ministration to the sick, and I am accompanying her. It has been my wish to visit only the worthy poor. The Sister says that these are of two kinds: those upon whom a stranger dare not intrude, for, having known better days, they prefer death to alms; and those who have always been poor, but are now poorer, and who do not object to a stranger's visit. On that brief round I saw little children running

about on bare floors without shoes and stockings and very little other clothes; I saw tiny things broken out with sores caused by too early feeding of heavier food, since milk is very scarce and very high in price; I saw others, flabbyboned, suffering with rickets; I saw families who before the war had a small business upon which they lived comfortably, but who haye lost all and cannot get a start and now live in abject poverty in wretched apartments overlooking courts called Hofs. And I saw only a few of the thousands and thousands in similar conditions all over Germany and Austria.

To help individual cases is better than doing nothing at all, but something bigger must be done, and that soon, if it is not already too late. There is only one nation under the sun that can help.

That nation helped to defeat the vain plottings of kings; will it not be a big brother to a people who will lose soon, under this terrible strain, everything fine that it ever possessed? One listens to German music and feels that it is inspired. Under heaven no people can produce music like the Germans. There must be something spirituelle in them to so soar. In all our travels we have never met such raw rudeness as in Germany. The Gewandhaus of Leipsic, with its worldfamous orchestral music, represents one side of German character, and the Communist of the street the other.

It is in America's hands to decide which shall triumph, the artistic or the brutal. France will do nothing, England is tied. There is a Beatitude that says, "Blessed are the merciful." Leipsic, Saxony.

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T is proper to say that in one day, yes, in one hour of war, the German armies did a thousand times

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wrong than have the French armies during the three years since the Treaty of Versailles in their occupation of German territory. It is a kind of revolting hypocrisy to forget the crimes of German militarism and to seek only to make the world pity the sufferings of Germany. After all, Germany has come out of the war intact; one cannot think of her as a victim of ravaged and ruined France.

The truth is that the war, no matter what the complexity of its origin, was declared, let loose, and pursued scientifically and with barbarous ferocity by the German Government. And the truth is that France to-day, in the interest of re-establishing general peace, just as in her own interest, is condemned to claim and to obtain:

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The justified complaints, however, should be taken into consideration. First as to the black troops, so called. It is not true that they are systematically guilty of the crimes which are attributed to them. The troops are, on the contrary, generally docile and disciplined. Your admirable General Allen has shown that irrefutably for any honest-minded critic.

But we would have done better not to have sent those troops to Germany, because they have furnished a pretext for so many calumnies and have aroused prejudices to which opinion is very sensitive. In my opinion, it would have been wise to have recalled our colored troops, and thereby to have halved our army of occupation. It would have even been advantageous, for our army of occupation is twice as large as it need be, and this is the opinion of some of the highest military authorities. Its expenses absorb nearly all the indemnities which Germany should devote to repairing our ruins. This is a waste of money, of labor, and of intelligence which cannot endure indefinitely.

(1) The reparations which are due her (just as they are also due to that other victim, Belgium). If France does not obtain reparations, the Gerwill triumph in having been aggressors; they will profit by their violation of international law; and conflicts. their profit will be an encouragement to militarism.

(2) The indemnities due to France. (3) The guaranties indispensable to the security of France, and so to the security of the world in the future.

(4) The judgment of guilty persons. To abandon these four sanctions of German defeat under pretext that the application of these sanctions would arouse complaints, even justified, would be to declare that France and the Allies were wrong in not yielding at once to the violence of Prussian militarism; when, on the other hand, their duty was to sacrifice themselves to deliver civilization from this unworthy menace.

It is also a source of abuses and of Some of these abuses are detestable, I agree, and I was the first to denounce them; individual nastiness, the demands of certain officers and functionaries-these must be punished.

much better, in any case, than in England, where, no precaution being taken, people are being contaminated without regard to consequences. Any one who thinks only five minutes about this matter will understand what malevolence may bring up against France because of our system of protection, but also what may be blamed upon England for her system of abandonment.

I do not know any people who know how to unite efficient precaution with the duties and limits of liberty better than the Americans do-and this is even more true in the American Navy than in the Army.

The question of reparations seems also insolvable. Are the reparations and the indemnities due us being claimed with exaggeration? That is probably true. I know that some claims, made just after the war, were unscrupulously increased. That kind of thing is more or less inevitable-odious traditions of victory; we know what they have been in the past in other countries. Now the duty and the interest of France are not to encourage abuse. Reparations are due us, just reparations, and not unjust reparations. Everything is in that phrase. But what war has not had unjust consequences? And that is why I have always maintained that no people, neither conquerors nor conquered, have a real interest in declaring war. France has been condemned to submit to it, and, whatever have been her faults in the past, she is the victim. These were secondary faults relative to the overwhelming responsibility of Germany. It was Germany who declared and let loose the war. She it was who prepared it as a preventive when we, the French, were not prepared, and the English and the Americans still less.

We are also reproached with the establishment in our garrisons in Germany of the brothels which exist in France near the barracks along with saloons and other doubtful resorts. This is infinitely sad. I do not discuss this question, insolvable in France, and consequently outside of France, for our troops; it belongs to our archaic conception of hygiene. The Italians have solved the problem with much more rigor and, in my opinion, much less poorly than is the case in France, and

As to the judgment of the guilty, it

O-DAY I had half an hour with Eleutherios Veniselos-the "s" is used instead of "z" in his correspondence, thus "Veniselos" instead of "Venizelos."

I did not have to speak with him about America. He had just been there, had liked it and us, and wanted to return.

Nor did I have to say anything about The Outlook (for he knew it well), save to mention the interest and sympathy shown by our constituency with Greece and the Near East.

Of course I did not try to bring up questions now before the Lausanne Conference, especially that of the minority populations. But M. Veniselos himself pointed out that he had in the Balkan Treaty, concluded just before the World War, shown himself far more liberal with the Moslem minorities in Mace donia than are the Turkish delegates at Lausanne now showing themselves towards the Christian minorities in Asia Minor and Thrace. Think of it, Thrace again Turkish!

Nor did I mention the recent dreadful executions at Athens, save, in a general way, to speak of "recent events," at which his Excellency looked very grave and nodded his head understandingly. Those events have weakened the moral position of the Greek delegation here, of which M. Veniselos is the head. No one believes that they took place with his approval, I am sure.

"Long since, the Turks," he informed me, "resolved upon a drastic policy. My knowledge of it formed the background of my course after the World War." He was thinking, I know, because he confirmed it, of his success at the Spa Conference, just after the close of the war, when, to safeguard the two million Greeks in Asia Minor, England, France, and Italy authorized Greece to Occupy the territory from Smyrna to the Sea of Marmora. The later, personally self-asserting aggressions towards Angora (that understimated the Turks' guerrilla warfare abilities and staying qualities) were King Constantine's work, affirmed M. Veniselos. "I was then in exile."

As the Greek ex-Prime Minister uttered the King's name I detected no note of bitterness, whatever the conviction must have been.

The result of Constantine's war was that the Turks swept the Greeks into the sea. "A million Greek refugees from Asia Minor and Thrace have already arrived in Greece," his Excellency reported. "In all history there has never been such an exodus. Some six hundred thousand more may arrive. All these refugees are ragged, some almost naked, and able to save only what they can carry. They are cold, hungry, ill. Are they all to be the wards of a poor nation whose population is suddenly swollen by more than a quarter? How would you in America feel if you were to have a like proportion thrust upon you-a wave of, say, thirty million immigrants?"

Certainly, we have too many GrecoAmerican citizens, we have too great an interest in the Greece of history from Pericles to Veniselos, above all, we have too real a comprehension of the call of humanity, not to hear and heed. Hence we are powerfully sustaining the Near East Relief in its unparalleled work at Athens and Constantinople and in Armenia.

There has been such necessity for the Greek ex-Premier, and for others here, to be austere as well as reasonablewith the Turkish delegates that I was hardly prepared for his very cordial manner. Yet it was tempered by a dignity that seemed now diplomatic, now well-nigh academic, now quickly practical, but always judicial, bespeaking the ripeness of experience.

Think of a Cretan, born under the Turk's bondage, yet finally redeeming his island. Think of him framing a Constitution for Greece and ruling as Prime Minister under it. Think of him, not only succeeding at last in forming that longed-for and hitherto vainly attempted Balkan Federation, but, with it, winning a war-two wars, indeedand incidentally depriving the Turks of nineteen-twentieths of their European possessions. Think of him for years resisting a recreant King, and finally

compelling, not only that monarch's abdication, but also the entrance of the Greeks into the World War on the right side. Think of him having immensely added to his country's territory, population, and prestige. In history his name and fame are sure.

As I sat in his parlor I could not help remembering these labors of Hercules. And I could not help feeling a great sympathy, as well as admiration, for one who had accomplished them, only then to be unfairly treated by unstable beneficiaries. We have long-ago testimony to the effect that the Greeks are all things to all men. But that does not apply to the most eminent among them.

Even the Powers have not been too fair to the Greece of Veniselos. He told me of the limitations they put upon the right of search of Turkish vessels in time of war, a right possessed by every belligerent nation at such a time.

Veniselos is the greatest Greek statesman since Pericles. And here at Lausanne, though the Marquises Curzon and Garroni, together with MM. Barrère and Bompard, have greater direct influence on the International Conference, he is the one beyond all others, with not only the proudest past, but also the most enlightened present, by reason of many-sided experience.

Perhaps I might add, "the most potential."

I say "potential" because I cannot believe that such a career is ended.

The Armenians have a proverb, "What matters it if the world be wide, yet one's shoe pinches?" Certainly the shoe pinches which Veniselos is forced to wear. The recent position of Greece has surely been a "tight fit" for one of his principles and vision.

But the world continues to be wide. Will he ever again have a full, unpinched chance? I hope so. I trust so.

For the present, however, his position is this, he says: "In external politics I am glad to do anything possible abroad -as here at Lausanne-for Greece, and especially at this critical and tragical time for her. But as to internal politics, my work is done."

Lausanne, January 7, 1923.