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A GROUP OF ANGLERS AT GRANT POND, FRANKLIN COUNTY, MAINE-WHERE BARBED HOOKS ARE FORBIDDEN

the discovery of a lake lying between the Kennebec and the Dead River where "salmon trout" averaging half a pound apiece could be caught at the rate of over a hundred an hour. Though the name "salmon trout" is used by Arnold himself, I suspect that our old friend Salvelinus fontinalis was the victim. Arnold probably did not have with him any of the monumental works of David Starr Jordan in which to verify his nomenclature.

To that same region men and women have been traveling for many years in search of the descendants of the fish that saved some of Arnold's men from starvation. There were as clean sports

have altered this condition immeasurably for the better, though the tribe of porcine piscators has not wholly vanished from the earth.

A witness to this change in sentiment is given by the picture which accompanies this editorial. It is a view of Grant Pond in Franklin County, a body

of water named after Ed Grant, a pioneer guide and best of Maine's illus trious tellers of yarns. He died a few years ago full of honor among natives and sportsmen alike. This pond, which lies a few miles away from the place where Arnold crossed the Boundary Mountains and less than half a mile from one of the sources of the Dead River, is within the territory occupied by one of the oldest fish and game clubs in Maine. The directors of this club, the Megantic, have decreed that no fish shall be caught in this water save by the use of a barbless fly. The Fish and Game Commissioner of Maine has promised, I have been assured, that this club regulation will be backed up by an order from his department. Maine, wisely enough, gives to its Fish and Game Commission power to alter or amend (within certain limits) the fishing regulations of the State as local conditions may require.

When this State regulation goes into effect, there ought to be a bronze tablet put on the shore of Grant Pond recording this advance in the long fight for the protection of America's outdoors There are many lakes and streams throughout the country which would benefit by the same protection against the destruction of the immature fish life which has come to Grant Pond. H. T. P.

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A BUILDER AND WHAT HE BUILT

THE MEMORIAL WHICH A MODEST MAN ERECTED TO HIS OWN MEMORY EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE BY ERNEST HAMLIN ABBOTT

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charge of a camp on tidewater in Virginia started a school with fifteen pupils. He was, according to my father's memory of him, "a young man, somewhat under six feet, of slim build but broad shoulders, with no superfluous flesh, erect in pose, with keen eyes that looked not at you but into you, and an electric energy at once physical and moral." He had had several months' experience in looking after the thirtyfive thousand newly emancipated colored people in an area embracing ten counties in Virginia, and he saw that what these people, who had lived and labored under direction of others, needed was to learn to live and labor under the direction of themselves. This school was the beginning of his plan for them.

During the latter part of last month the fifty-fifth anniversary of that school was observed in the presence of visitors from the region round about and from New England and the Middle States. It has become one of the great educational institutions of the world.

General Samuel Chapman Armstrong, who founded that school, could not have foreseen what it has become; but it has grown according to his plan and design. He was its founder, its designer, its architect.

When General Armstrong died, the direction of this school devolved upon a man who had been his colleague for several years. To-day that school stands as a monument not only to the vision of General Armstrong but to the constructive genius of Hollis Burke Frissell.

The difference between these two men was described at the fifty-fifth anniversary by a pupil of Dr. Frissell's, the great Negro leader, Dr. R. R. Moton, the Principal of Tuskegee. "General Armstrong," said Dr. Moton, "was impetuous, volcanic, magnetic, a man of action; Dr. Frissell was quiet, forceful, persistent, a man of counsel." As General Armstrong was the designer of Hampton Institute, so Dr. Frissell was its builder. He took General Armstrong's idea and translated it into terms of brick and mortar, of farms, of workshops, but, above all, of human lives. If he was not the greatest educational leader of his time, he certainly was a leader whom no other one surpassed. He proved that the idea which General Armstrong had for these humble and distracted freed

men was of universal application. He made it plain that labor, handiwork, industry, when made a part of an educational system, does not degrade education, but enriches it.

It would probably not have been possible to demonstrate this truth so effectively in any other way or by any other institution. The process of education had become among white people in America confined almost wholly to the use of books. That was partly due to tradition from the Old World, and partly due to the fact that in New England such education as could not be obtained from books was provided in the ordinary experience of the farm and the village, and in the South, where labor was associated with slavery, no other education but book learning was considered necessary. So it fell to the lot of the Negro people in America to provide for the whole country the demonstration of a new and larger conception of education. Indeed, the only hope for them was an education that would comprise the whole of life. And that hope was provided by the educational genius of Dr. Frissell.

It was in spite of himself that Hollis 1 Burke Frissell built his own memorial. He was not only modest; he was selfeffacing. There are some people who naturally fall into obscurity; he seemed to seek it as a refuge. He was active in this as in all things. The Hon. Andrew Jackson Montague, former Governor of Virginia, described the process of self-effacement on the part of Dr. Frissell by saying of him in a speech at the fifty-fifth anniversary, "He could do more and make it appear less than any man I ever met."

To his memory a Skinner pipe organ selected by George Foster Peabody and provided by funds intrusted to him was

dedicated at the anniversary and presented to the Institute.

As the Hampton idea grows in influence Dr. Frissell's name, which he kept during his lifetime unobtrusively in the background, will become more and more widely known as that of one of the world's great teachers. If America learns that the mind and heart and soul need the cultivation that can be secured only by skill of the hand and the body, it will be because it has been taught by Hollis Burke Frissell.

One of the students of Hampton at the anniversary exercises, a colored youth in the School of Agriculture, described this Hampton idea by means of an analogy:

We have all been to a football game and have seen the players come on the field. . . . We as spectators sat in the bleachers to cheer. If anything is gained, the players receive it in the development of their minds and bodies. The teams on the field are

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the participators because they have gone through the necessary preparation to win the game. The spectators, having done nothing, have the privilege of feeling proud of a victorious team. The comparison I want to make is that a student carrying a project is the participator and spectator as well, while a student using nothing but books is a feeble spectator.

When, therefore, the subject can be naturally expressed in action, a Commencement essay or address at Hampton is presented in the form of a performance as well as of words. For example, at this fifty-fifth anniversary one student discussed the advantage of a certain form of brick construction, and while he expounded the theory of that construction he proceeded to lay a portion of "an ideal all-rolok" wall. An

other student, a young woman, discussed in her paper the physical advantage of good posture. In the midst of her paper a small boy appeared on the stage, quite unannounced, and proceeded to sit at a desk in first one chair that was too high, another that was too low, and a third that was correctly adjusted for his height; and meanwhile the young women explained the difference between the correct and incorrect postures. In another instance a young woman not only described the "practice house" that was to be built for the purposes of teaching domestic science and art, but in her description used charts and diagrams. Another young woman demonstrated the cooking of an omelet, explaining not only the process, but also the chemical constituents of the food she was preparing. Even the young man who discussed "extra-curricular activities" appeared with a cornet under his arm as he described his rise from an aspirant to the assistant leader of the band, and at the close of his address played a transcription of Schubert's "Serenade."

The significance of Hampton is not primarily to be found in its contribution to good racial relations; it is to be found rather in a more fundamental contribution it has made to the whole idea of education; for it has proved by years of service that what has been called industrial education, but what is more accurately termed the Hampton idea of education for life, is, as Dr. Moton expressed it, "not simply a system of materialism aiming only at meat and money," but is also "a complete system of life, in which love and truth and beauty are as much a part of the daily bread for which we work and pray as are what we shall eat, what we shall drink, and wherewithal we shall be clothed."

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DAYBREAK IN CENTRAL

HERE is an old saying that it is always darkest just before the dawn. We are to-day in a world

in which European civilization, to many, seems on the verge of dissolution. We are having in our daily press, day by day and in every way-to use the now popular phrase-repetitions of prospects of further disorganization, more discouragement, more fear, more hatred, race animosities, and present shadows of future wars.

For our souls' good, we need to see, if we can, as our minds struggle with these dark pictures, something which will restore and vitalize our faith in the ultimate victory of righteousness, the return of order and peace to a distressed world.

offer two excuses for this article. One is that I have had my own spirit refreshed and my own willingness to work and live and pay taxes stimulated

BY GEORGE W. ALGER

and inspired by what seems to me to be a thrilling and beautiful transformation now in process in Central Europe, the ancient seed-bed of war.

My second excuse for writing it is that there is in it, as it seems to me, an opportunity for service of enormous value to the future of the world.

We have been giving in the last few years, we sentimental Americans, millions and millions of dollars in charity to hungry children and to starving and homeless people. These gifts have been, many of them, charities in the sense in which the words were used by a very rich man I heard of recently. His lawyer had been preparing his income-tax return. He found his client's deductions for charities were smaller than he had expected. "I have two lists," explained the old gentleman. "It helps me to think what I am doing a little better if I divide my expenses for philan

EUROPE

thropic objects in this way. One list is those which are practically certain to produce returns, and at times very large returns. These I call social investments. The other list is those which have to be made for some practical need, but which may or may not produce ultimate good. They keep things-at least temporarily-from getting much worse. These I call charities."

President MacCracken, of Vassar, is just back from Central Europe, where he has been lecturing on American education and visiting universities. He told the reporter who interviewed him as he came off ship-what? That this is the only country in the world? That Europe is a shambles? That life there is barren? That millions are starving? That, thank God, he is back to soap and civilization? No; he said this: "If I might choose where to be born again, what land to call my own, if I could

have another life, I would not hesitate an instant. Give me a little country in Central Europe."

There is almost nothing behind this thrill which Dr. MacCracken and others who have shared his experience have received and which his quoted statement summarizes that can make a headline in an American newspaper. There is nothing dramatic about children going to school. There is nothing sensational from a newspaper standpoint in something which does not happen between editions, but which simply grows; nothing sensational about the welling up of an eager hunger for education which has not been felt in Europe, certainly not in Central Europe, since the revival of learning. There is nothing which has happened, in a newspaper sense, when people who were never free before seek to learn how to use freedom and to establish their own government; seek to learn the ways and means and practical expedients of government, to get the fundamental and widespread education without which democracy is a delusion and a snare.

France must have watched our experiments in democracy a century and a half ago in somewhat the same spirit. She had befriended us, helped us to our freedom, and had, unasked, canceled our indebtedness to her. But there was this great difference: she did not know democracy; her radicals had thought about it, she had not tried it. She was watching our start with the same hope and doubts with which the Spaniards must have watched Columbus when he first set sail for an unknown and hopedfor passage to India.

Why should we not be interested-intensely interested-in what Central Europe does with freedom and democracy? What country should better be able to aid by more than unofficial observers the development of these new experiments of Central Europe in freedom and the inevitable development of the Federal idea than the country which has made every known mistake in democracy for one hundred and fifty years and which knows, as no other country knows, from a longer continuous experience, what are its defects, its virtues, and its essential conditions for success?

The reason why some of the facts, which I shall endeavor to summarize here, are unfamiliar to us is because the Russian Revolution, involving experiments so novel, so sudden, so dramatically cataclysmic, has occupied the whole stage to the exclusion of other more promising events cast upon a smaller scale. We have spent so much of our time talking about Bolshevism and disputing about it and frightening ourselves about it that what has been happening nearer us has been quite overlooked.

Central Europe is going in for education to the limit of its resources, beyond its resources. Its whole future will depend upon the quantity and

quality of that education. Do not let us soon forget too the lesson of what Treitschke and the German teachers of war as a biologic necessity did to the map of Europe. Education is dynamite, for the word "dynamite" simply means power. What kind of power shall the new Europe generate in her schools and her colleges? Public education is one of the great American contributions to civilization. It has become a commonplace with us. We refuse to get excited about it. It would perhaps be a good thing for us if we could; but that is, as Central Kipling says, another story. Europe is excited about it.

Take a few facts. Here is the University of Kovno, in Lithuania. If you

do not know where Lithuania is, look it up on the map. It is in the new Europe. Kovno has fifteen hundred students in an old building built for a girls' gymnasium and equipped for two hundred. This is the University of Kovno now. There is not much in the way of apparatus there now, obviously. But the hunger for education is worth more

than an endowment. There is in Central Europe no college tradition, among the students in these new colleges in these new countries, that it is bad form to study.

Czechoslovakia.

Take another new country, one of the most promising states in Europe, Prague to-day is not only the capital of this new country. She is a university center, with thirty thousand students of twelve nationalities. When she was made the capital of this new country, there had been no building operations for seven years and there was a housing shortage. These students have flocked to Prague from many countries in which universities perhaps have been destroyed by war or crippled in personnel. They have come in such numbers that, with this house shortage, we are told, the conditions have been indescribable. Last year some two thousand students were with

out lodging of any kind and slept in railway stations and on the floors of public buildings.

The students of the colony at Latna, outside Prague, have been building their own dormitories. Eight hundred of them pledged themselves to this work. They kept at manual labor all winter long, led on by the alluring thought that the student contributing eight hundred hours of labor would be entitled to a room. After two years, Latna now ac commodates nearly a thousand students housed as the result of physical labor in construction work by three thousand students.

I shall not attempt to cover details of this student movement through Central Europe. I shall not attempt to discuss the beautiful work which these small Central European countries are trying to do in educating the youth of Russia, whose educational facilities have been destroyed by Bolshevism. A thousand Russian students are being educated in Russian in Prague alone, at the expense of a little country whose eight per cent bonds sell at a heavy discount in the New York bond market, but who is willing to add to her financial burdens because Czechoslovak statesmanship sees clearly the importance to the peace of Europe of an educated Russia.

I simply wish to make two points about this new education:

First, these universities and higher schools are the breeding-places for the political and economic philosophies which will dominate the future of Eu rope.

Second, the new generation receiving this education is feverishly interested in the experiments which their countries are making with a new and, to them, very fascinating thing-democratic freedom. What will they do with it-the democratic idea? This student movement will decide the future of democracy in these new countries. It will decide the peace of Europe for the generation now coming on to maturity. Let us not overlook the American opportunity in this thing. These people are peculiarly open to American influence, American experience and counsel. The movement means opportunity to the country which colonized the Philippines with school-teachers and the common schools and whose belief in education has been the great rock on which her democracy was built..

I am of course not advocating any general programme for the Americanization of Central European culture. It would be impossible and, in some as pects, doubtless absurd. What I am most earnestly suggesting, however, is just this: America can be of infinite help to the peace of the world at this critical period in new countries, set free by war and trying for the first time experiments in democratic government, if she recognizes this student movement as a distinct opportunity for extending help.

Some of these countries have a better

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right to ask for this. help of us than others. If I were asked to name the European country which seems to me most entitled to American aid in her educational problems in these critical days in the new Europe, I should be inclined to put at the head of the list a country which most of us know little about-a small country which wore through the war the red badge of courjage, whose extraordinary and wholly unexpected power of resistance ruined the German plans for the conquest of the East, which perhaps more than any other country saved Egypt and the British colonies by blocking the Berlin-toBagdad plans of the Kaiser for seventeen months, from August 1, 1914, to January, 1916.

It is a little country whose men, women, and children fought and suffered as no other countries in Europe suffered, and yet was the first country to tell the American Relief Commission to help others, that she could, and would, take care of herself. It is the country whose hardy peasant people, German propaganda before the war assured us, were swineherds and bandits-Serbia. From north to south, from east to west, Serbia was a battle-ground; her schools, bridges, farms, homes, stores, churches, and factories were wrecked. The atrocities committed in Serbia on her dauntless people were unparalleled in the whole history of the war. This is not the place to retell the horrors of her war suffering. We try to forget these things. Perhaps we are right. But something besides forgetfulness is due to the survivors of those men, women, and children who were hung, burned, who died of famine, typhus, of undressed wounds, and broken hearts. What shall we do for the children of the swineherd? Shall the dauntless courage with which they fought and died be forgotten, or shall we recognize the claims of these wonderful Slavs in a country of enormous undeveloped resources to a chance, a belated chance, .to share the civilization their fathers and mothers died to save for others? France during 1916-17-18 educated nearly 3,500 of these promising Serbian children. England is also educating refugee Serbian students. Glasgow alone cared for 35. What is America doing? She is doing almost nothing. The opportunity and the duty to help Serbia to the edu cation which her children need has fallen almost wholly on the shoulders of one devoted woman doctor and a small committee. Here is the story.

Dr. Rosalie Slaughter Morton, a wellknown New York physician, served through part of the war in Macedonia. She saw an unending succession of Serbs as a physician during the war. She came back to America with the determination to do something far-reaching in benefit for the Serbian people. She talked at colleges about the history of Serbia and what she knew at first hand about Serbians. She talked about the destruction of the University at Bel

grade and the wrecked condition of Serbian schools. The colleges she addressed offered scholarships for students, whom she was authorized to select. She induced the student bodies of a number of colleges and their alumni to subscribe for a fund to cover the expenses of what was intended to be the first group of twenty students.

Her idea was to pick out promising young Serbians of both sexes, bring them to America, put them in American colleges, have them taught here on subjects which they should be pledged to teach on their return after four years to Serbia; in other words, to make a direct educational contribution to the future of Serbia. Having arranged here for these university students, she went back to Belgrade to get them. The Minister of Education had an announcement put in the paper at Belgrade that applicants who wished to avail themselves of this opportunity should report at a designated address at three o'clock the next afternoon. Dr. Morton thought she might have a hundred applicants.

Before two o'clock of the next day there came a deluge of from fifteen hundred to two thousand applicants. Her large room was jammed, three flights of stairs and the landings were packed with students, and traffic was blocked for two squares. These students were all ready and eager to come to America, for which they had a profound admiration.

Dr. Morton revised her plans, dismissed these applicants, and the next morning published the conditions under which students would be taken. Some of these conditions were these: Students were to be between the ages of sixteen and twenty-four. They were to remain in our country for four years, and no student would be taken whose parents were very old or infirm. Students must provide health certificates, letters of character, affirmative credentials of college grade of education, and pledge themselves to return in four years to Serbia to utilize their education there. Students who came must expect to learn the English language, so as to be able to understand and follow lectures in colleges within a year after their arrival. With such an enormous demand from the students, Dr. Morton felt ashamed to take only twenty, so, being an optimist, she took sixty and put upon her own back the burden of finding the money to take care of them. She has been having-barring age-the rich experience of the old lady who lived in the shoe ever since. These sixty came to the United States in September, 1919. They were by prearrangement spread around among our colleges from Vermont to Texas and as far West as California. They all learned English in nine months. The professors report their work as earnest and, in many cases, brilliant. They are the sons and daughters of professors, doctors, ministers, and army officers who have lost everything through the vandalism of

their enemies and ours. Many of them have been in prison, wounded, and starved; have seen their parents beaten to death or otherwise murdered. They have endured, many of them, every conceivable hardship. Yet here they are, with eager hearts and earnest minds, ambitious to dedicate the education they receive in America to the country which they love.

Dr. Morton has photographs of these youngsters as they came and as they are now after having had American educational opportunities. These pictures tell the story more easily and better than words. They are studying international law, commerce, banking, medicine, dentistry, engineering, agriculture, social service, domestic science, and other subjects which will be of use to Serbia when these students go back to give there what they have received in America. These young men and women represent stock which deserves education. The whole future of Serbia must depend upon the educational opportunities given to her young in the generation now, growing up. Instead of this little group, dependent upon the efforts of Dr. Morton and the International Service Educational Committee, which she has organized, this excellent plan for the education of Serbs in America should have a financial support which should increase the number of these students seeking knowledge, not for their own, but for their country's sake, from the meager number now here into the thousands.

I can only end this paper as it begins, with this thought: One of the greatest opportunities of America to-day in Europe is the opportunity to contribute education, the kind of education which makes for the peace and safety of the world; the place where that education should begin is with the country which needs it most and which can use it best; which is too proud to beg, but which is almost pathetically grateful for every kindness received. Do not let us forget that gratitude for help rendered will give a power to America's influence on the peace of the world far greater than anything obtainable from adroit diplomacy or economic bargains.

Chinese students, educated in America on the Boxer Indemnity Fund, which we voluntarily repaid to China for that purpose, are worth more in our relations with China than all our other diplomatic organizations. The little children whose lives have been saved by American bread in the years which followed the war will not readily forget the Stars and Stripes. The children who owe their education to America will remember her with a far more abiding fervor than any college student remembers his Alma Mater. Education given in this way will be a contribution to the endowment of peace and to the upbuilding of those invisible things of the spirit which endure and which alone give to what we call civilization its permanence and reality.

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