donavimus. Pliny, N. H. xxxiv. 6. § 13, mentions the legend with the variation that Cloelia was the only hostage who escaped; whereas Livy makes them all return in safety.

265. Tiberinum natavit. This accusative is really an extension by analogy of the ordinary cognate accusative, which is itself merely an adverbial use of the case: in fact, the transition is not very great from a case like saltare Cyclopa to natare amnem, though it is possible that the use of words like secare, tranare, &c. may have contributed to render the construction usual. Cicero, de Fin. ii. § 112, uses terram navigare and mare ambulare. Juvenal, as usual, instead of giving Cloelia's name, gives the exploit by which she is famous.

266. The slave's name was Vindicius; he discovered the secret at a supper-party, and warned the consuls of the impending danger (Livy ii. 4); he was as worthy of being mourned for by the matrons as was Junius Brutus, who fell in the fight, and who, according to Livy ii. 7, was mourned for a whole year by the Roman matrons: quod tam acer ultor violatae pudicitiae fuisset.

268. legum. The first legal execution under the reign of law-i. e. the Republic; cf. Livy xi. 3. 4, where rex and leges are sharply contrasted. The contrast is with such arbitrary power as was exhibited under Tarquin; cf. Livy i. 49 Neque enim (Tarquinius) ad ius regni quidquam praeter vim habebat: ut qui neque populi iussu, neque auctoribus Patribus regnaret.

269-275. 'I would rather you were the son of a Thersites, if you were yourself an Achilles, than a Thersites yourself the son of an Achilles. And after all, if you are a Roman, you must trace your ancestry to Romulus' asylum, which must have been tenanted by shepherds or what taste forbids me to say.'

269. Thersites, proverbial for a low braggart, from Hom. Il. ii. 216 αἴσχιστος δὲ ἀνὴρ ὑπὸ Ιλιον ἦλθεν. Cf. ausus erat reges incessere dictis ... protervis Ov. Met. xiii. 232-233. Cf. Ap. Flor. i. 3. § 2 Thersites cum decoro. Cf. Amm. xxx. 4. 15 Conluvionis taeterrimae audire existimes ululabili clamore Thersiten. Seneca, Ep. xliv. § 1, takes the contrary view: Omnes si ad primam originem revocantur a dis sunt.

270. Achilles was the son of Peleus, the son of Aeacus: the patronymic is thus used by Homer, Il. xviii. 221. After the death of Patroclus, the Trojans bore off the arms of Achilles, and Thetis obtained from Hephaestus a new suit of armour: Il. xviii. 369 sqq.

272. revolvas, retrace,' from unfolding a scroll: similarly Seneca, Contr. i. 6. § 4 quemcunque volueris revolve nobilem; ad humilitatem pervenies.

273. infami asylo. Livy i. 8 describes the founding of the asylum where all malcontents, whether free or slaves, might gather. Strabo v. 3 describes it as lying μεταξὺ τῆς ἄκρας καὶ τοῦ καπιτωλίου : i. e. between the two peaks of the Capitoline hill, which were distinguished respectively as the Arx and the Capitolium. Livy ii. I speaks of its population as made up of pastorum convenarumque plebs... impunitatem adepta. Cf. Lucan, Phars. i. 97 exiguum dominos commisit asylum.

SATIRE X.

ON THE VANITY OF AMBITION.

THIS splendid Satire, Juvenal's masterpiece, has been often copied and translated. Mayor gives a list of the best-known translations and copies, among which is Johnson's 'Vanity of Human Wishes.' Dryden and Boileau have also translated it.

With the whole Satire compare M. Antoninus viii.

The tenth Satire is one of those which are regarded by Ribbeck as spurious, because it is more general in its scope and declamatory in its tone than those which come earlier in the series, and than the eleventh. Setting aside this theory as extravagant, we are bound to recognise a difference of style in the Satires, and the question is whether the tenth and those of its class belong to the poet's early manhood or to his later years. Mr. Lewis suggests that the disputed Satires bear the traces of youth, as the poet's juvenile productions would naturally be full of mythological allusions, and contain very little about living persons or contemporary usages, with a good deal of the frothy declamation habitual in youth, and from which the poet never entirely freed himself." It would be easy to urge a good deal on the other side. Milton and Burke are commonly thought to have become more declamatory as they advanced in years; Cowper and Wordsworth more diffuse; Crabbe and Dickens less observant of detail. The truth probably is that Juvenal was by nature a little more of an orator and a moralist than a humourist, and that as he withdrew from life in the city and camps he was less interested than he had been in the personal life of his contemporaries. Possibly too age and disappointment may have made him cautious not to offend. Meanwhile, though the tenth Satire gives only one, and this an almost worthless, clue to its time of composition, viz. a line repeated from Satire i, which alludes to a rich man who had shaved him when he was young, this line at least implies that the poet was no longer a young man. The tenth and fifteenth Satires, which are supposed to exhibit the same characteristics of style, belong unquestionably to the time of Hadrian.

It may surely be added that the master has left the ineffaceable stamp of genius on this Satire. What other man could have given us two such pictures as we find here, the praetor celebrating his triumph with such a circumference of crown as no one neck could bear up under, and the old man with his face wrinkled like a baboon with sunken jaw and slobbering mouth, and all the faculties only half animate. We must look to Hogarth for such a picture as the first; to Denner for so vivid a portraiture of old age as the second. Even the simile of the bird (11. 230232) is Juvenalian. No one but Juvenal would have attempted so rapid

a descent as when Nestor's old age is computed by the times he has drunk new wine. Above all, however, who but Juvenal was capable of the sustained dignity of thought and the wonderful flexibility of verse, that meet us throughout this admirable Satire? It is the masterpiece of the poet's second style, as the third Satire is the supreme outcome of his first.

ARGUMENT.

us,

but especially

We are all constantly wishing for things that will hurt for money, ll. 1-14, which more than anything marks out its possessors to the tyrant, the brigand, or the poisoner, ll. 15–27. Is it wonderful if Democritus was always laughing, 11. 28-33, though the civic life of his time was not half as rich in absurdities as our own, with the praetor in procession wearing a big crown and an embroidered toga, and followed by a mob in their holiday clothes? 11. 34-46. Yet Democritus found plenty to laugh at, ll. 47–53.

Do I say then that the gods are approached with entreaties for hurtful things? 11. 54-55. Does not power often ruin its possessors ? Remember how Sejanus was hurled from a height under no charge but a tortuous and long letter from the Emperor, 11. 56-71, and the people flocked to see him dragged to execution as it would have flocked to see him installed in the place of Tiberius, 11. 71-81, only anxious to be seen taking part in a loyal demonstration, 11. 81-89. Would you like to have the greatness of Sejanus and run his chances? Of course, power is enviable, but is it not safer to be the alderman of a country town looking after weights and measures? 11. 90-102. Nay, you admit that Sejanus only prepared a lofty scaffolding for his own fall: but did anything else than power ruin Crassus and Pompey and Caesar? 11. 102-113.

By what did Demosthenes and Cicero perish but their eloquence? II. 114-132. The reputation of a conqueror is regarded as the greatest of earthly possessions by Roman and Greek and Barbarian, though even the rock on which inscriptions record glory is perishable, ll. 133-146. Take Hannibal and his achievements, the conquest of Spain, the crossing of the Pyrenees, the blockade of Rome, ll. 147-158, what is the end of it? a drop of poison in a tyrant's court, 11. 159-167. Alexander chafed at having only one world to conquer, and a sarcophagus contains him, 11. 168-173. Look at Xerxes chaining the ocean, and coming back in a single boat, 11. 174-187.

We all wish for long life, but what disfigurements and privations does not old age carry with it, wrinkles, second childhood, and impotence! 11. 188-209. What enjoyment of life has he who cannot hear the musi cians or feel warmth, whose life is a change of diseases, and who cannot taste his food? 11. 210-232. But worst of all is the loss of mind and memory, so that the old man does not remember his friend's face, and

is at the mercy of his housekeeper, 11. 233–239. Grant, however, that he keeps his strength, it serves him only to survive all he loves, 11. 240– 245, as Nestor buried Antilochus, and Priam having given Hector to the flames was slain without a defender, 11. 246–272. Pass by Mithradates and Croesus. Would not Marius have been happier if he had died in the day of his glory? and did Pompey gain anything by the recovery that saved him to lie a headless trunk as not even Catiline lay? 272-288. The mother prays that her children may be beautiful. What gain had Lucretia and Virginia of their loveliness? 11. 289–295. Above all, what beautiful boy can grow up uncorrupted or unmutilated to manhood? 11. 296-309. If he does it is to be an adulterer, and bear the penalties of guilt, 11. 310-317. Nay, you say, but to be some fair woman's darling. Let him begin with this, and he will soon sell himself for gain, ll. 318323. But if he is chaste? what will his beauty be good for then but to excite desire in women who will hate him for refusing them? 11. 324-329. Was the fate of Silius so desirable? to die if he refused Messalina, and to die for marrying her, ll. 330-345.

It is best to leave it to the gods, who love us better than we love ourselves, to decide what we are to have, Il. 346-350. We ask for a wife and children; they know what the wife and children will be, 11. 350-353. But if our natural instincts to wish must have a vent, ask for a heroic mind, that can dare all, endure all, and court death as a bride, 11. 354– 362. These things are within our competence; and we want no divine interference, if we have common sense, but Fortune is a deity of our own making, 11. 363-366.

1. Gadibus. From Gades (Cadiz) to Ganges,' etc., from furthest west to furthest east ; a proverbial expression, as we see from Cicero, de Domo Sua c. 30. For Cadiz cf. Stat. Silv. iii. 1. 183 solisve cubilia Gades.

usque, 'as far as,' used without ad, as in Cicero, ad Q. Fr. i. 1. 14. 42 usque Romam.

2. Auroram et Gangen must be taken closely together. Cf. the German use of Morgenland for the East. For Ganges, as the limit of the East, cf. Amm. xxxi. 2. 16 Amazonum sedes dilatari ad usque Gangen accepi.

3. illis multum diversa. A litotes, their greatest contrasts,' i. e. the greatest evil. Diversus is used with a dative in Hor. Ep. i. 18. 5. Adjectives signifying 'difference from' are commonly followed by a dative in the classical poets; another such word is discors, cf. Vell. ii. 37 filius discors patri; and in ecclesiastical Latin we find ingratus used in the same way. See Handbuch der klass. Wiss. p. 276. Multum is one of many words found in Latin to intensify the meaning of a simple adjective. It is common in Plautus, but not in Terence. Other such words are valde, vehementer, admodum, adfatim, etc.

4. erroris nebula. Taken from Plato, Alc. ii. 150 тǹv ả×λÙV TŷS xs, who himself refers to Homer, Il. v. 127 seq., where Athena removes the mist from the eyes of Diomedes.

ratione, 'rationally,' ¿peŵs. Cf. Sen. de Ben. ii. 18. 2 omne honestum... non tantum fieri debet sed ratione fieri. So Pliny, Ep. ix. 7, § 1 aedificare te scribis, bene est ... aedifico ratione quia tecum. These ablatives of manner commonly take cum, unless an adjective precedes them. Vergil, however, can write colles clamore relinqui (Aen. viii. 216), templum clamore petebant (i. 519). Montaigne works out this thought and quotes this passage in his Apology for Raimond de Sebonde.

5. On what scheme do you enter so auspiciously, that you do not rue your effort, and your prayer vouchsafed?' The right foot should be moved first to ensure good luck. In Petronius 30 a slave is appointed to shout to the guests entering the dining-hall dextro pede! Cf. also Sen. de Ben. ii. 12 sinistro pede. In Vitruvius iii. 3 we are told that the steps of a temple should be odd in number, that the worshipper should place his right foot on the lowest step first, and should also enter the temple right foot foremost. Augustus thought it unlucky to put the left shoe on the right foot: Suet. 92. Cf. Verg. Aen. viii. 302 tua dexter adi pede sacra secundo. Vergil was celebrated for his exact knowledge of ritual. To express conceiving an idea, we find commonly mente concipere; Juvenal writes pede, waρà прoodoкíav.

6. peracti, 'accomplished, realised': cf. Stat. Theb. xi. 671 spes longa peracta est.

7. This passage comes from Plato, Alcib. ii. 138: many call down ruin upon themselves... mistaking it for a blessing.' Seneca, who often had Plato in his mind, has several similar passages besides that quoted: cf. Ep. xxxi. § 2 surdum te amantissimis tui praesta. Bono animo male precantur: et si vis esse felix, deos ora ne quid tibi ex his quae optantur eveniat. Cf. idem, Ep. xcv. § 50 dei aliquando specie boni puniunt. evertere, aorist of habit.

domos, families,' as in Verg. Aen. i. 284 domus Assaraci.

ipsis, 'the masters.' For this use of ipse cf. Catull. iii. 7 suamque norat Ipsam tam bene quam puella matrem, i. e. 'the sparrow knew its own mistress as well as a girl knows her own mother.'

8. faciles,good easy beings.' Cf. Martial, i. 103. 4 Riserunt faciles et tribuere dei, and xii. 6. 10. Et dare quae faciles vix tribuere dei. nocitura. Sen. Ep. cx. § 10 quidquid nobis bono futurum erat deus et parens noster in proximo posuit... nocitura altissime pressit. Cf. Lucan, Pharsalia i. 510, 511 O faciles dare summa deos, eademque tueri Difficiles.

9. torrens copia. The impetuous volume of their own eloquence. Cf. iii. 74 Isaeo torrentior. torrens is an epithet applied to eloquence also by Quintil. Inst. Orat. iii. 8 § 60 torrens... dicentis oratio.

10. sua facundia, their native power of speech, which should have defended them. Cf. Ammian, xxix. 3. 6 hoc elogio perit homo disertus ad potiora festinans ut multi.

ille. Milo of Crotona, 'wedged in the timber which he strove to rend.' Milo lived at the time of the Persian war: Herod. iii. 137, § 4. He is constantly referred to as a stock example of enormous

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