Claudius had a new channel excavated a little to the north of the disused harbour of Ostia, and, with the aid of two jetties running out into the sea, and each sloping inwards ( porrecta bracchia rursum), made an artificial harbour. Cf. Suet. Claud. xx, Dio lx. 11. Between these two jetties lay an artificial breakwater or island with a lighthouse upon it, and the harbour thus formed was known as the Portus Augusti. To this harbour Trajan added an inner basin or dock, of a hexagonal form, surrounded with quays and extensive ranges of buildings for magazines (Bunbury, cited by M.). The Scholiast states the fact that Trajan made the new basin, so that this Satire could not have been written before the date of his reign. Ostia was a favourite health resort: Minuc. Felix calls it amoenissimam civitatem, i. 3; see too A. Gell. xviii. 1. The Pharos, or lighthouse, was so called from the island of Pharos opposite Alexandria, from which place the French have adopted their word for lighthouse, 'phare.'

positas moles. The moles laid down amidst enclosed seas, i.e. the inner arms of the moles which bent in towards the land: the sea would be kept off by the other side of the horseshoe on either side.

78. The point is, that there are many good natural harbours, but none of them is so wonderful as the artificial one which runs actually out

to sea.

80. He makes for the inner basin made by Trajan,' where even a skiff of Baiae would be safe.'

81. Shipwrecked people vowed to dedicate their hair to some deity, naufragorum ultimum votum Petron. 103. But it appears from Lukian, de Merc. Cond. 1, that they also sought by the process to attract notice and pity, and Berenice's lock is vowed to the gods as a chief sacrifice in Catull. lxvi. So Lukian, Hermotimus 86 and it seems to me that I might reasonably have shaved my head, like those who have got off safe from a shipwreck.' St. Paul shaved his head in Cenchrea, for he had a vow.'

82. garrula, a transferred epithet, like irato in the line irato feriat mea lumina sistro xiii. 93. Cf. also xiii. 32. For the sentiment cf. Quod acerbum fuit rettulisse iucundum est: naturale est, mali sui fine gaudere... Forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit, Sen. Ep. lxxviii. § 13. Cf. too Cic. ad Fam. v. 12.

83-93. 'Prepare then, my slaves, to make the sacrifice right welcome.'

83. faventes, c¿onμeîte, 'preserve a religious silence : let heart and tongue be silent.' Cf. Ov. Met. xv. 677, Ibis 96. So Hor. Carm. iii. 1. 2 Favete linguis, and Verg. Aen. v. 71 ore favete omnes, before a sacrifice. So Sen. Vit. Beat. 26 quotiens mentio sacrarum litterarum intervenerit, favete linguis. Hoc verbum non a favore trahitur, sed imperatur silentium, ut rite peragi possit sacrum, nulla voce mala obstrepente.

84. farra, i. e. the mola salsa, with which the sacrificial knives were sprinkled. The far was a coarse kind of wheat (triticum spelta) said to have been cultivated in Italy before any other kind of grain, and t d there

fore sacred from its antiquity.

The flour of far, mixed with salt, was sprinkled on the head of the victim with the words macte hoc vino et ture esto, and a few hairs were cut off its head and thrown on the altar (Aen. vi. 245). Pliny, H. N. xviii. 2, traces the practice of appeasing the gods with far back to Numa.

85. molles, of turf.

86. sacro quod praestat, i. e. the chief offering made to the Capitoline Jove.

88. fragili, because the wax would tend to scale off.

89. The Lares were small statuettes of marble or of wood, with a coating of wax. Cf. Hor. Epod. ii. 66, who calls them renidentes. They were the departed spirits of ancestors who watched over their descendants. There was a special chapel or lararium in the houses of the wealthy for these gods; in the houses of the poor the household gods remained at the hearth; see Becker's Gallus, Excursus i. scene ii. p. 263. They were crowned on festive occasions; cf. Plautus, Aulularia, Prologue 23, where the Lar, who recites the prologue, says Huic filia una est: ea mihi cotidie Aut ture aut vino aut aliqui semper sup plicat: Dat mihi coronas. Cf. too Cato, R. R. c. 143, Plaut. Trin. i. 2. 1, Juv. ix. 137. The Lares and Penates received no blood offerings.

nostrum Iovem. ‘Our own special Jove': the special god of the house or of the district.

90. viola is a diminutive from *viom, cognate with Greek (F) for, which signified in Greek any dark flower. In Latin too the name viola seems to have been applied to the pink and the cheiranthus, cf. Hehn p. 210. The locus classicus is Plin. H. N. xxi. 14 Violis honos proximus (post lilia) earumque plura genera, purpureae, luteae, albae; cf. ib. § 11 Postea quae ion appellatur et purpurea, proxime flammea, quae et phlox vocatur. Cf. Verg. Ec. ii. 47 Pallentes violas, and Ec. x. 39 nigrae, Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 207 Lana Tarentino violas imitata veneno. See Hor. Carm. iii. 10. 14 and Wickham's note.

91. 'My doors are festooned with greenery for this happy event': cf. Ovid, Met. iv. 759 sertaque dependent tectis, Lucan, Pharsal. ii. 354 Festa coronato non pendent limine serta, Arnob. vii. 32 Etiamne di sertis, coronis afficiuntur et floribus? Cf. too Sat. vi. 51, 52, 78, 79, ix. 85.

92. operatur, 'is busy in the sacred rites,' 'keeps festal holiday with its display of moming lamps.' Even before daybreak the lamps were kindled. Cf. Tert. Apol. 35 Cur die lacto non laureis postes obumbramus? Non lucernis diem infringimus? Operari, like péŝa̸, is specially used of sacrifices. Cf. Verg. Georg. i. 339 lactis operatus in herbis so Tac. Ann. ii. 14 § I (Germanicus) vidit se operatum. The word came to be used absolutely from such expressions as operari sacris, Hor. Carm. iii. 14. 6, Liv. i. 31. 8.

95. Catullus has three children to inherit his property, so that my joy is not one of the artes of the professional legacy-hunter'; cf. Sat. iii. 129, v. 98. Pliny, Ep. i. § 5, says that he would like to be excused from granting a request locupleti et orbo on the ground that it might look

suspicious. In Mart. Ep. xii. 91 Maro vows, in the presence of his aged friend, that should his fever leave him, a victim should fall to Jupiter. Cf. Lukian, Dialog. Mort. vi. 3. 'You have hit upon a new art (cf. Hor. Sat. ii. 5. 26) in attaching yourselves to old women and old men, and especially those who are childless, while those who have children remain unloved.' For a full description of the art of legacyhunting under the Empire, cf. Fried. i. 4. (p. 414).

tres habet heredes. Cf. Sat. v. 137 sqq., ix. 87-90 Iura parentis habes, propter me scriberis heres, Legatum omne capis, nec non et dulce caducum, Commoda praeterea iungentur multa caducis Si numerum, si tres implevero.

96. gallinam. See the chapters in Arnobius vii. 16, 17 in which he ridicules the pagan idea of appeasing the gods by sacrifices. In chap. xviii. he asks si enim honoris et reverentiae causa mactantur dis hostiae, quid refert aut interest cuius animalis e capite luatur hoc debitum, cuius ira offensioque ponatur?

97. sterili. Martial x. 18 has an epigram upon a mean patron who would not ask his clients to dinner or benefit them in any way: 3 Turba tamen non deest sterilem quae curet amicum.

verum, nay truly.'

coturnix. Pliny, N. H. x. 33, says that quails were not looked on as fit for human food, because they fed on poison and were subject to epilepsy. The same story is repeated in Didymus, Geop. Book xiv 'Quails live on hellebore, which affects those who eat them with distension and vertigo.'

98. pro patre, much less for a stranger.

sentire calorem,' to have a touch of fever.' Cf. Tibull. iv. II. 2 Dum mea nunc vexat corpora fessa calor.

99. The termination -itta seems to have been a non-Latin termination adopted into Latin for the formation of feminine diminutives. Schuchardt thinks that it was Etruscan. The French language forms numerous words in -ette, as tablette (tablitta).

100. legitime fixis, ‘fastened up in the prescribed way'; according to the Roman religion, where the ritual was everything. Cf. Suet. Calig. xiv. ut vero in adversam valetudinem incidit, non defuerunt qui depugnaturos se armis pro salute aegri, quique capita sua titulo proposito

voverent.

libellis, on which their vows were inscribed. Cf. Suet. Aug. 97. 101. hecatomben, a hecatomb'; not of ordinary beasts, but, if it were possible, of elephants. Under hecatombe Juvenal seems to understand a hundred oxen as contrasted with the elephants, of which he is going to speak.

102. 'Not indeed elephants, but only because they are not found in this continent, and so are all the rarer; nay, they are only now found in Caesar's preserves, the spot where Turnus fought it out with Aeneas.' It would seem that the emperor kept a herd of them for the shows.

As to the construction, it would appear as if Juvenal had intended

to write quatenus hic non sunt venales elephanti, neque indigenae; but he has changed the construction in the concluding clause into a direct statement. For neque-nec following the negative nullus cf. Verg. Ecl. v. 25-26 nulla neque amnem Libavit quadrupes nec graminis attigit herbam; and for nec followed by aut cf. Verg. Aen. xii. 135 Tunc neque nomen erat nec honos aut gloria monti. quatenus, since.' Cf. Hor. Carm. iii. 24. 30 quatenus heu nefas Virtutem incolumem odimus.

elephanti. Cf. Arnob. vii. 16 cur non eis et mulos et elephantes mactatis, et asinos? Julianus used to offer up such numbers of victims that victimarius pro sacricola dicebatur; Amm. iv. 6 § 17, xxii. 12 § 6. Domitian, on the other hand, at the outset of his career was so merciful, ut edicere destinarit ne boves immolarentur, Suet. Dom. 9.

107. privato. Cf. vi. 114. Privatus meant, originally, 'a man in no public office'; under the emperors it came to be used of any one not a member of the imperial household; so that the idea is 'the elephants decline to serve anything less than an emperor, and indeed their ancestors served a Hannibal and our own Scipio: but then they were the chief means of attack in Roman wars: now they are the chief object in Roman shows!' Elephants were regarded as the private property of the emperor, and no one might hunt them without his express permission; see Friedländer ii. 3. p. 398.

Tyrio, as Tyre was a colony of Carthage.

108. regi Molosso. Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, in which the Molossi formed a tribe.

110. partem aliquam belli, i. e. a part, and that no small part, of the war; cf. Verg. Aen. vii. 3, 4 Ossaque nomen Hesperia in magna, si qua est ea gloria, signat.

111. Novius and Hister are the two captatores mentioned in line

114.

mora nulla, cf. Hor. Carm. iii. 14. 23 Si per invisum mora ianiterem Fiet, abito.

112. ebur, the valuable part put for the whole; cf. 1. 13.

114. Compare the story in Pliny, Epist. ii. 20, how Regulus went to a dying woman, made a sacrifice for her, and got himself inscribed for a legacy.

115. alter, i. e. Pacuvius. He would sacrifice not merely an elephant, but the pick of his slaves: nay, he would give his own daughter to get a legacy, like another Agamemnon, even though he did not expect her to be miraculously rescued, as was Iphigenia in the legend.

119. Agamemnon boasted that he could shoot better than Artemis. The goddess, to punish him, detained the fleet wind bound at Aulis. Kalchas declared that Iphigenia must be sacrificed to appease her. As she was placed on the altar, Artemis substituted a fawn for the maiden. The Pseudo-Euripides, I. A. 1587, follows this legend.

121. I commend my citizen's wisdom, and deem his inheritance a greater thing than a thousand ships: for if our sick patient shall once

give the slip to the goddess of funerals, he will destroy his will-a prisoner in the toils, -in consideration of a sacrifice truly singular, and maybe will make over everything to Pacuvius with a stroke of the pen.'

122. mille rates, oróλov 'Apyeíwv xiλiovaútav Aesch. Ag. 45. 123. Ex nassa exire was a proverbial expression for to escape danger': cf. Plaut. Mil. ii. 6. 98; Cic. ad Att. xv. 20 § 2. The nassa was an osier basket shaped like a modern crab-pot.

126. incedere, 'to walk proudly,' 'strut'; cf. Verg. Aen. i. 146 divum incedo regina: cf. Hor. Epod. xv. 18 superbus incedis malo.

ergo. And so you see how very well worth his while it were to kill the lady of Mycenae. How well, in his opinion, it would pay to sacrifice one's daughter!'

128. vivere Nestora.

Many of these half cognate accusatives are thus used adverbially: thus vincere Olympia, Cyclops moveri, &c. For the sentiment cf. Mart. x. 24. 11 Post hunc Nestora, nec diem, rogabo.

130. nec amet. Juv. may have had in mind Horace, Sat. i. 1. 86 Miraris cum tu argento post omnia ponas, Si nemo praestet quem

non merearis amorem ?

SATIRE XIII.

TO CALVINUS ON revenge.

THE thirteenth Satire is generally ascribed to A. D. 120 or 127preferably the former-on the strength of the allusion (1. 17) to the Consul Fonteius as marking a date sixty years back. C. Fonteius Capito was consul A. D. 59; Lucius Fonteius Capito, A. D. 67. There was another Gaius Fonteius Capito who was consul A. D. 12: but this would throw back the Satire to the time of Vespasian. The mention in line 157 of custos Gallicus urbis seems indeed to belong to the time of Domitian, when Gallicus was prefect of the city, but it may be reasonably explained as an allusion to a line of Statius celebrating Gallicus as the man

Quem penes intrepidae mitis custodia Romae. Gallicus had then taken his place in poetry as a representative custos urbis.

Ribbeck conjures up rather a fanciful difficulty about the remark that Socrates would not have given part of his hemlock to his accusers, and supposes it to be compounded of the statement in Phaedo (i. 66) that the hemlock brought him was not enough to allow of a libation to the gods, and the story that Theramenes pledged his accuser Kritias in his last draught. It is difficult to find any foundation for Juvenal's statement in these stories, and the health drunk by Theramenes was a scoffing