Friend and my right hon. Friend behind | tion of the Government, as I have said, me. But while to us it is a grievous is one that places them under different and shocking tragedy, it appears likely and almost conflicting liabilities. Our to be a great event in the history of first duty is to ascertain absolutely the Greece. It must tend to an opening up facts of the case. My hon. and learned of circumstances connected with the Friend very naturally askscondition of that country such as pro- "What measures have been, or will be taken to bably former times have never afforded obtain from the Greek Government such satisfacan adequate occasion for bringing up. tion for this unprecedented outrage as Her MaThe nature and the root of brigandage jesty is entitled to claim according to the Law of in Greece is of itself a subject of the future, of the lives of the Diplomatic servants, Nations, and to insure the due protection, for the utmost interest, because it connects itself and other subjects of the British Crown, within with the political position of that country the Kingdom of Greece?" and with the unfortunate and, as it ap- To a certain extent my hon. and learned pears on occasions, the almost irresistible Friend approaches this question in a temptation, arising, perhaps, from the spirit of perfect candour, and so far as the prevalence of national sympathies, to Government is concerned has supplied the mix itself in quarrels in which it has no answer to his own Question, so far-that title to interfere that can be recognized is to say, as any steps are concerned by any principles of International Law. which it has been in the power of the Then, again, comes the question, as to Government to take. I gladly gather what are the institutions of Greece, and from his speech and the speech of my I hope my right hon. Friend will forgive right hon. Friend that they do not think me if I venture still to cherish a desire that these steps have been neglected. To that we may be able to discover some demand the fullest examination of the other remedy for these mischiefs, and facts; to suggest all the heads to which other guarantees against their recurrence that examination should be addressed, as in the future than that most unsatisfac- far as we could undertake the office of tory one, which I can only regard as a suggestion; to require on our part the rough and ready proceeding to which means of a full participation, or at least many may be tempted who are friends a full cognizance of every step connected of constitutional principles, and to which with the inquiry; and, likewise, to make the enemies of constitutional principles the reasonable claim that at the proper will have the strongest predisposition- time, and yet not before the proper namely, that of charging these faults-a point of no small importance-conupon the popular institutions of the dign punishment should be inflicted upon country. I do not pretend to give any the guilty-these were duties for which opinion as to the nature of the measures I do not say that my noble Friend deto be taken; but this I must say that, so serves special credit, because they were far as I have ever been able to consider, the obvious duties of the moment; but the difficulty of Greece lies in the fact I am glad to think that in the view of that the Turkish domination, which so the House they have been fulfilled with long subsisted there, erased and effaced alacrity, temper, and zeal. I hope the from Greek society all the natural influ- House will appreciate the consideration ences of superior intelligence, education, to which I have just adverted-namely, rank, descent, and property, and left that the punishment of the immediately little but poverty on the face of the land. guilty agents in these transactions should The consequence is that it is the class not come too soon; because there are called upon to govern that is defective many passages of history in many counin Greece, far more than the class which tries from which we well know that these is to be governed, and, consequently, immediately guilty agents are but the the problem is a most difficult one, and tools and instruments of others, and that will require the most grave considera- their too ready and too rapid removal tion from the representatives of this from the scene is, in fact, one of the best country, which has peculiar obligations and most effectual means of suppressing in respect of freedom in the face of essential portions of the truth. As to Europe and the world, before they arrive the future, when we are in the full posat the conclusion that it is to popular in- session of the facts of the case-and some stitutions that this internal disorganiza- weeks may possible elapse before we tion is to be ascribed. Well, the condi- may hope to be in that position-it will

time

as an isolated individual in the service of the Greek Government, should be afraid of offending his masters, yet, from the moment that this question has assumed its present international dimensions, the people of this country cannot have the smallest reason to apprehend that any obstacle can or will be placed between them and the most thorough and searching examination of the truth. The power we possess is more than ample for such a purpose, and I am bound to say I have a sufficient belief in the public sentiment of Greece, imperfect as may be the form in which that sentiment is expressed, to feel a strong conviction that when my hon. and learned Friend referred to the free expression of opinion in a certain journal of that country, he referred not to an isolated fact but to an indication that these transactions will be properly viewed and appreciated, and that the sentiment of the Greek nation and of the Greek Government in regard to them will in all substantial respects correspond with our own. Sir, I do not know that I need, especially at this hour of the night, go further into detail with the necessarily meagre communication which I could undertake to make to the House. But adverting to the tone of the comments of my right hon. Friend and of my hon. and learned Friend upon the conduct thus far of the Government, upon the steps which they have taken, and the spirit in which they have proceeded, I beg them to believe that such as that conduct has been in the past it will be in the future-that we are sensible of the gravity of the question which has arisen out of these deplorable events, and that we shall endeavour to act throughout the course of the transactions in such a manner as may befit the dignity and the duty of this country.

then be our duty most carefully and the final details of the catastrophe. I comprehensively to consider what obli- refer to it for the purpose of saying that, gations arise out of a clear view of the though it was perfectly natural that he, facts. We have to discharge our duty as an independent State, and to consider what we ought to ask from Greece in that capacity. But we have also to consider a very difficult and delicate question as to the limits which mark off our province as an independent State from that other province in which we have to act in combination with other Powers, whose honour and credit are pledged to the successful handling of the work which was achieved 40 years ago, and with regard to the result of which the best we can say is that, up to the present time, it has met with but a qualified success. My hon. and learned Friend speaks of satisfaction to be obtained for this unprecedented outrage, and I am glad to see that the phrase obtains from him the generous and wise construction which I fully hoped it would obtain. When he asks for satisfaction to us he desires not that which would be injurious but beneficial to Greece. There are two lines of action-that which is to heal the wounded feelings and possibly stay the rising resentment of the British nation; and that line of action is parallel with and immediately neighbouring to another line of action which would result in the measures required for the safety, honour, and happiness of Greece. Whatever attains this latter end will also attain the former. It is a consolation in these circumstances to think that there are no selfish purposes to pursue, and no vengeful purposes, because the condition of Greece is such as to make it impossible that she should be, in the body of her people, a fitting object of punishment for the miscarriages or misconduct of her Government, provided we find ourselves in a condition to be able to obtain that best reparation which would consist in securities against the recurrence of similar evils. Among the portions of the available evidence respecting this unhappy case which are not yet examined, there is the evidence of Yates, who served on board the steamer, and who appears to have said at the time of the catastrophe that he did not dare, for fear of the Greek Government, to state what he had seen, though he had seen the final catastrophe. It is possible that his evidence may be of the greatest importance in its bearing upon

Mr. Gladstone

SIR HENRY LYTTON BULWER said, he would beg leave to withdraw his Amendment.

Amendment and Original Question, "That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair," by leave, withdrawn.

Committee deferred till Monday next.

are so fresh in your Lordships' recollec- | in which various persons played various tion that I need not go with any great parts. On the one hand, there was detail into the circumstances of the case. Colonel Théagénis-of whom I shall It will be sufficient for me to recapitulate have to speak presently-who was sent as clearly and briefly as I can the dif- by the Greek Government with words of ferent events in their order, that your peace on his lips, but, if actions are any Lordships may understand the comments interpreters, with war at his heart. He which I shall make upon them. conducted those negotiations for several days on behalf of the Government. An Englishman resident in Euboea-Mr. Noel-of whose judgment, courage, and ability it is impossible to speak too highly, volunteered his services on behalf of the prisoners, and all but successfully accomplished the object in view. Lastly, Mr. Erskine, departing rightly and courageously, as I think, from the reserve which he supposed to be imposed upon him, went so far as to offer a ship of war to transport the brigands from Greece if they insisted upon it. Those negotiations lasted from Saturday the 16th to Wednesday the 20th. On the 20th an ominous change occurred. For one or two days previously, it is clear from the correspondence before us, troops had been silently moved up. At all events, on Wednesday, the 20th, the brigands became aware that military operations were threatened. They remonstrated against this as a breach of solemn faith, and again repeated in the most unmistakeable terms the threat that if an attack by the military were made they would massacre every one of the prisoners. This threat apparently did not produce its effect on the mind of Colonel Théagénis, or, if he saw clearly what the result would be, it did not deter him from the military operations. The cordon of troops was drawn tighter; and on the following day the brigands became exasperated at the prospect of troops appearing on the scene. Still, if only prudence and discretion had been used, no life would have been sacrificed, for we have the distinct statement of Mr. Noel that if one day more had been allowed him for negotiations-if this fatal step had not been recklessly pressed on-all would have been well. We have in these Papers a telegram from him, dated Thursday, halfpast 1 o'clock-two or three hours before the frightful tragedy-in which he said the detachments must not pursue, and that the brigands would accept the terms offered them. It was a question of a very few hours. But the troops pressed on. The brigands took alarm. They

On Monday, the 11th of last month, the party, whose names are well known, started from Athens on an excursion to Marathon. On their return they were captured by a band of Greek brigands. One of the party was released and sent back to Athens with a demand, first of all, for a ransom of £32,000, which was subsequently reduced to one of £25,000. At the same time distinct threats were held out that in the event of pursuit being attempted or any military operations being undertaken against them the lives of the prisoners would be forfeited. On Thursday, the 14th, the news had reached England, and even before the evening of the 14th the necessary ransom had been provided in London. But meanwhile the brigands had somewhat changed their terms. It was no longer the mere ransom which they demanded, but the ransom and an amnesty. The Greek Government said they could not give that amnesty. I do not stop at present to discuss that point. They simply refused the amnesty; but at the same time, on the urgent application of Mr. Erskine and the Italian Minister, they gave a solemn and distinct promise that no military operations should be undertaken, and that no troops should be sent in pursuit of the brigands. The English Minister, moreover, addressed a direct communication to the brigands not only assuring them of this solemn engagement, but also informing them that if they would treat the prisoners well-if they would descend from their vantage ground in the mountains to a place where the prisoners might be kept in comparative comfort but in security they should not be molested. My Lords, this was on Thursday; on Saturday, the 16th, two days afterwards, the brigands had altogether complied with the entreaties of the foreign Ministers. The prisoners were brought down to the village of Oropos, in the plain close by the seaboard, and we have every reason to believe that they were made as comfortable as circumstances would allow. Then ensued negotiations-negotiations The Earl of Carnarvon

crossed the river; they advanced north- | Government newspapers if I mistake ward. They found themselves suddenly not-a formal announcement that briconfronted by, or at any rate, in the sight gandage was suppressed in Greece, and of, troops. They took to flight. At this credit was taken by them that that critical conjuncture there appeared on the evil had been rooted out by the exright, on the seaboard, a Greek man-of-ertions of the Government. But that war; and then at the same fatal moment was not all. Inquiry was made to the there is every reason to believe the troops proper accredited channel. Through the fired upon the brigands. Not even then Legation inquiry was twice made to the -for they seem to have had a marvel-Greek authorities whether or not the lous forbearance-even then they did not road to Marathon was safe. They were murder the prisoners immediately, but assured it was safe-that the idea of after retreating some distance further danger was almost ridiculous; but an they effected the horrible massacre. escort was given as a matter of form, These, my Lords, are the facts of the case. consisting only of four mounted troopIt would be unbecoming in me to attempt ers; and though it is true a large body to portray the high character of those was subsequently in the day sent, there who fell. Though one may lament them, is nothing to show even in these Papers though one may regret them, though that these troops were sent for the special there may be wounds which no time can purpose of watching over the safety of heal, so far as personal feeling goes, I the travellers. Even if it was so, there cannot utter a lament over those who is still less to show that they communifell without a murmur, without one un-cated with the prisoners. One of the manly word—with that English courage soldiers, indeed, says that such a comwhich refused to say a single syllable munication was made; but it is dewhich could compromise anybody-but with the sympathy of a great country with them. Nor will I say anything as to the official character which two of those gentlemen possessed. I will not pause to argue what amount of political sanctity is thrown around the person of one who is attached to a Legation or Embassy. I will not draw distinctions here. They all, Englishmen and Italian, fell together, united in death, and I will not separate them in argument. The question I have to ask is, who was responsible for this act? My Lords, I wish to proceed as dispassionately as possible. Everyone will admit that there were three certain causes which led to their death; and that but for those three causes they would unquestionably be living at this moment. There was first of all the assurance of safety given to them before they left Athens; secondly, there was the refusal of the Greek Government to grant the amnesty; thirdly, there was the movement of troops. Now, whatever may be thought as to the right or wrong of these causes, there can be no doubt that if the Greek Government had not given these assurances of safety, or if they had granted the amnesty, or if they had not moved troops, the catastrophe would not have occured. With regard to the first cause-at the end of March or beginning of April there appeared in the newspapers-and in the

nied by the dragoman, and two of the party, who spoke Greek fluently, certainly would have understood such a communication if it had been made. It will hardly be believed that, while these assurances of safety were given, the acting Minister of the Interior on this very same day, the 11th, reports to his subordinate officer that brigands were supposed to be on this very Marathon road, which had a very few hours before been declared to be safe by the authorities. Was there ever a more extraordinary proceeding? But after the capture had taken place what was the conduct of the Greek Government? After the capture the terms required were an amnesty. Now, my noble Friend opposite (the Earl of Clarendon) has most effectually disposed of the frivolity of the objections entertained to granting an amnesty. They were entertained, it is said, forsooth, on constitutional grounds. Why, a constitutional Ministry surely has the power of taking to itself such an act of authority, and then of going to the Legislature for an indemnity, if necessary; and if they feared to ask for an indemnity it only shows that they preferred their places and their salaries to the lives of the prisoners. In other countries where law is settled, where the Constitution has been faithfully observed for generation after generation, these arguments might, no doubt, be of force.