obtain them; but now there is not a man in America who would like to go back to the terrible state of things which existed before the Civil War broke out. It was commonly said in America that the negro was not fit for the vote; but a negro population of 4,000,000 has now become enfranchised, and no one will deny that the peace and prosperity of these Southern States have been secured by that great legislative change. I confess I am surprised when I am told that women, as a class, are unfit for the franchise; women who are the subjects of a female Sovereign, are engaged in many literary pursuits; who are at the head of educational establishments; who are managing factories and farms, and controlling thousands of businesses throughout this country! If I am told that many women are not fitted for the franchise, I am bound to admit it; but, then, the same thing may be said of many men. Anyone who says that women generally are not fitted in point of intelligence for the franchise knows very little of the agitation which has produced this Bill. There has never been an agitation more ably conducted by the various ladies who have taken part in it; and, considering the small means at the disposal of women, there never was a question which made such rapid progress in so short a space of time. I have been told, also, that if this Bill were to pass, the Government would be handed over to the Conservative party in the very crisis of the country's fate these are the very words I have heard used. Well, I take consolation from the fact that this country has sometimes even survived a Conservative Administration; but if there be any meaning in an argument of that kind it is this-that if the country were properly and justly represented, we should be sitting on the other side of the House. Now, I do not believe a word of it. I have paid some attention to this question, and I have considered the objections raised against the possession of the franchise by women on the ground that they would be Conservative; but I will not enter into a discussion of that point now, because I think every man will vote according to what he takes to be the justice and reason of the case, and not ask whether women are Conservative or Liberal. I will, however, undertake to say that there would be no change in the balance of parties. There Mr. Jacob Bright would be one great change, which would be this-from the moment women obtained the franchise, even though an election might not take place for several years to come, whenever a question affecting their interests came to the front, it would receive an amount of attention and consideration which it would not, and could not, receive now. I have heard both in the Lobbies of this House, and in other places, many things said in opposition to this Bill, and some of the objections are very peculiar. I have been told that women are too religious; that they have too much respect for the clergy and for religious teachers in general; and that, therefore, they should be subject to political disabilities. We have had in this House some earnest discussions, to be followed by many more, on the question of education; and there is a predominant feeling in favour of giving, in some way or other, a religious education to children. I hope, if the fact of being religious is to be followed by political disabilities, that we shall not succeed too well in that task. It is true that the religious sentiment is stronger in women than in men; their path in life is a harder one, and law and custom, instead of coming in aid of their weakness, too often trample upon it and bestow their favours on the stronger sex. That being so, it is not remarkable that women, more than men, should seek consolation and strength from that Power before whom, at least, all human beings are equal. I have also been told that women should not be political, or, in other words, that it is the duty of women to be politically ignorant. I might as well be told that grass should not be green; and, no doubt, if you sufficiently excluded air and light and moisture it would no longer be so. Women are political, and they cannot fail to be so in the circumstances in which they are placed. They are born in a free country, where public meetings are held on every variety of subjects, those meetings being open to everybody; they are born in a country where we have a daily Press which is the ablest, the most interesting, and the cheapest which the world has ever known. We were told some time ago by the right hon. Gentleman the First Minister of the Crown, that eviction notices fell like snowflakes in some parts of Ireland. The daily papers fall like snowflakes in all our houses; and if we are not to make our women political, we must shut the doors against the Press. To tell me that women should not be political is to tell me that they should have no care for the future of their children, no interest in the greatness and progress of their country. If it be true that women are not to be political, then we ought logically to take away from them the only shred of privilege which connects them with this Housethe privilege of petitioning this House. Tens of thousands of women's names have been sent to this House in Petitions this year. We are supposed-[here the hon. Gentleman pointed up to the Ladies' Gallery]-not to know that there is a Gallery behind that screen; but I have noticed that it rarely happens that an hon. Gentleman comes down to make an important speech without his having some one or more of the female members of his family up in that Gallery. If women be deteriorated by political knowledge, I think the female members of the families of Members of Parliament must be in a very deplorable state indeed. I have visited them at their own homes, but I have never found that deterioration: on the contrary, I have found with larger knowledge more vivacity and interest; in short, an intellectual flavour not always to be found elsewhere. An objection, considered to be a very great one with regard to the franchise, is, that women themselves do not care for it, and would not use it if they had it. But no one who has paid any attention to the facts of the case would raise that objection. Before the Municipal Franchise Bill gave municipal rights to women-I know this to be a fact because I made the inquiry in the neighbourhood with which I am most acquainted in Lancashire-where women had the power of local voting they used that power in the same proportion as men; and I have found that since the Bill of last year came into operation, in many municipalities they have voted in nearly an equal proportion with the men, while there are cases in which the polling of women has exceeded the polling of men. But it should be borne in mind that by passing this Bill we do not compel women to vote. There are a great many men who have no interest in politics at all, and who do not wish to vote; and unless we had organized associations to arrange the matter for them, many of them would never be upon the register at all. Let me state what is the present position of women with regard to the power of voting in this country. They vote in all local matters; they have every parochial vote; they have votes in corporate and non-corporate towns. In the non-corporate towns and in parishes they vote under the conditions of what is known as Sturges Bourne's Act, according to the property they are rated for. Thus, a lady of property may have as many as six votes, while her servant-her gardener or her labourer-has only one. But is it not an absurdity that a woman can have six votes and her man-servant only one in local matters, while in Parliamentary elections the poor man retains his one vote, while the woman, who is in a high position and owns large property, has absolutely none. Last year's legislation appeared to me as if it should settle this question of the Parliamentary franchise for women. Without any Division in either House of Parliament, and with only one single voice raised, and that not with any earnestness, against it, women were admitted to vote in all our municipal elections. Women go up to the poll, they do not vote with the quiet of the Ballot, but they go up openly and give their votes once a year, not once in four or five years, and it must be borne in mind that these municipal elections have become as completely political as any Parliamentary election could possibly be. I do not know how or on what argument we can now say to women-"No; you have come so far, but you shall not come any further." I should like to read a single sentence from the speech of Lord Cairns, made in the other House of Parliament when the Bill of last year passed, and when the Earl of Kimberley spoke on one side and Lord Cairns on the other. Lord Cairns said "As an unmarried woman could dispose of her property and deal with it, he did not see why she should not have a voice in controlling the muni. cipal expenditure to which that property contributed?" Does anyone dissent from that statement? But if it be just and right that a woman should be able to control the municipal expenditure to which her property contributes, should she not have a right to control the Parliamentary expenditure to which her property contributes? The local expenditure of the country amounts to about £20,000,000, | hearts of the people-that are as appliand the Imperial expenditure to about cable to the case now before us as to the £70,000,000; and, if justice requires that occasions on which they were uttered. she should have the opportunity of con- There is, however, one thing which controlling the expenditure of the smaller soles me when I reflect upon this. There sum, is it not unjust to deprive her of is nobody more open to conviction in the means of controlling the expendi- this House than the First Minister of ture of the larger? But we want votes the Crown, and, when he is once confor something else than merely to con- vinced, there is nobody more resolute in trol the expenditure of our money. Par- carrying out his convictions. One word liament can confiscate the property of more, and I will no longer trespass on women, and it does so to a large extent. the kindness and forbearance of the It can deal with liberty and life, and House. There is a very general movepass laws affecting the happiness of ment in favour of this Bill-a movement people in the remotest cottages of the which exists in almost every part of the land-matters of far greater importance three kingdoms. There have been many than anything connected with expen- Petitions during the past three Sessions diture. I see that an hon. Gentle- in favour of it. During the three man opposite has put a Notice on the short months we have already sat here Paper for opposing my Bill, by moving this year, more than 100,000 names have the Previous Question. When I first come up asking us to pass this Bill. saw that Notice I asked a Member of The persons who sign these Petitions great influence in the House what he only ask from a household-suffrage Parthought of it, and he replied that it was liament a Bill that will establish real rather a shabby way of meeting the household suffrage. They complain that question. I will not apply that or any it is not fair that a house should be other epithet of the sort to it. One re- passed over because a woman happens members occasions where it was both to be at the head of it. The women justifiable and intelligible to take such who are interested in the subject are a course as that which the hon. Gentle- only acting in the spirit of one of the man proposes to adopt; and, for any- noblest proverbs of our language-"God thing I know, that course may be quite helps those who help themselves." Is justifiable now, but I cannot decide the it a matter of regret to us that they point, as it is unintelligible to me. I should have these aspirations? Ought could suggest a more manly course; and it not rather to be a matter of satisfacwe should remember that, up to now at tion and of pride? That this Bill will any rate, this House is the creation of become law no one, who has observed masculine constituencies. If the propo- the character of the agitation, and who sition that I make is not founded on knows the love of justice of the British justice and reason, it would, I should people, can doubt. I hope it will bethink, be more agreeable to the feelings come law soon, for I have a desire, which of hon. Members who oppose me to give will receive the sympathy of many in a distinct "No" to this proposition. this House-I have a strong desire that But if, on the other hand, the claim when our children come to read the story women make upon this House be founded of their country's fame, it may be written on justice and on reason, then let us there that the British Parliament was freely concede it. I have been told that the first great Legislative Assembly in the Government are to stand neutral the world which, in conferring its franon this question. Well, unfortunately chises, knew nothing of the distinctions it is the characteristic of all Govern- of strong and weak, of male and female, ments to be so engrossed in attending to of rich and poor. I will conclude by the wants of the powerful that they can moving the second reading of the Bill. seldom give any kind of consideration to the claims of the weak. I shall forbear quoting from the speeches of the Prime Minister; but I do remember burning periods of his in speeches which he delivered in this House and elsewherewhich did much to create enthusiasm in the country, and to place him high in the Mr. Jacob Bright Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."-(Mr. Jacob Bright.) COLONEL SYKES said, he would express his opinion of this measure, not by indulging in sentimentalities on the rights of women, but viewing the matter MR. SCOURFIELD, in rising to move simply as a practical question. It re- the Previous Question, said, that he solved itself into a matter of money- would not go into the question of the a mere question of money. The payment rights and dignities of women, or their of certain rates entitled persons to vote relative inferiority or superiority to man; for a Member of Parliament, those per- but the main proposition which he wished sons being the rated occupiers of any to maintain was, that they had no suffidwelling-house of the value of £10 an- cient evidence that it was the wish of nually, or the rated occupiers of any the women of England to have this pripremises other than a dwelling-house of vilege conferred upon them, and that the annual value of £10, and lodgers of there was very strong presumptive evithe annual value of £10-so that it was dence that they considered it to be a a mere question of money; having no- possession something like what was thing whatever to do with sex. There known to the lawyers as damnosa hærewere in his city of Aberdeen 185 women ditas. The same reason that prevented householders, from each of whom he pre- women from desiring to have these prisented a Petition to the House. They vileges conferred upon them prevented had fulfilled the legal conditions im- them from getting up an agitation in posed by Act of Parliament, and there- opposition. They were bound to look fore they were as much entitled to vote as not only at the express declarations conany of the other 14,000 voters in Aber- tained in the form of Petitions, but also deen. What did it matter, so long as a upon whatever other evidence would party fulfilled the conditions of the law, guide them to a conclusion as to what whether that party wore petticoats or a their real wishes were. Now, he had pair of breeches? Of the Petitions pre- asked the question of many women, and sented in favour of the Bill, 21 were almost invariably the answer he received Petitions under seal, and 230 others con- was, that they would much rather not tained 94,760 signatures; and that was have these privileges conferred upon a good proof that the feeling was pretty them. He had asked other persons the extensive throughout the whole king- result of their inquiries, and it had dom. It might be said that if they uniformly been the same. There was a granted the privilege to women they better mode of getting at the real feelwould probably affect the returns at ing of the people than by the presentacontested elections. But what would be tion of Petitions. They all knew how the total amount of the influence that Petitions were got up; and he thought could be brought to bear in that way? they could not do better in such a quesIn Aberdeen there would only be 185 tion as this than follow the advice, in women out of 14,000 voters. In a small ascertaining the real feelings of the borough the women might probably ple, of one of the greatest men who turn the scale, in case they all voted on ever lived a piece of advice which the same side-an event not very likely threw much light on the character of -but these were exceptional instances, that extraordinary man. Amongst the having nothing to do with the principle. invaluable pieces of advice which NapoHe would tell the House what the India leon gave to his brother Joseph, he said Company did. For 100 years they -"Collect opinions one by one, but not granted to women having the money- in councils." Now reverting to the gequalification a right to vote. And for neral subject, he thought the House whom? Why, for 24 men who, in posi- would see what a good reason women tion, dignity, and power, were at all had for not wanting the franchise. One events equal to any Members of that of the inexorable conditions on which House, for they had to govern life was given was that of not having 200,000,000 of people; whereas each two opposite chances. They could not of us here represent only the 658th be on one side of a question and on the part of a Legislature for governing only other at the same time. The extension 30,000,000. Under these circumstances, of privileges conferred an extension of he did feel that they were doing a great responsibility. If women were to have deal of injustice to the female commu- these extended privileges, many immunity. They were as capable of exercis-nities which they now enjoyed must be ing the franchise as men were, and they removed. That was the inexorable conhad a full right and title to exercise it. dition on which life was maintained. If peo they were to extend their political influence, they could not expect to assert so much of their social influence. If their social influence was maintained in the way it had been maintained throughout England, a considerable amount of political influence must follow; but if they fixed their minds exclusively on political things, their social influence must be weakened. Influences must be distinct and divided without assigning a relative position of superiority and inferiority. It did not follow when the two influences were perfectly distinct that what was good for the one was necessarily good for the other. To use an illustration, it seemed to him that men and women were travelling in the same direction on different, yet parallel lines, charged with the freight of human happiness, and they might have much happiness as long as each party kept on its separate line; but, if one or the other got into the wrong groove, he was afraid their stock of happiness was likely to be greatly reduced. He would give an example in point from Boswell's Life of Johnson. Boswell asked Dr. Johnson his opinion of the merits of a woman's preaching. Dr. Johnson's reply was-"I consider a woman preaching like a dog standing on its hind legs; it was not done well, but the wonder is to find it done at all." He (Mr. Scourfield) did not wish women to enter into competition with dancing dogs, and to show their wonderful powers in doing things which they were not expected to do, and which there were many disadvantages to their executing in a proper manner, and in a manner equally efficient with men who perform them under totally different circumstances. Their vocation was a high one. Their vocation was to make life endurable. The prospects of society in regard to the diffusion of general education without much originality or deep thinking, was one of the darkest clouds that hung on the horizon. There was a predominance of persons who wished to lecture and talk over those who wished to listen. They were threatened with the universal dominion of talkers and bores, and among the influences which frustrated that alarming tendency-that of women was one of the most effective; but, if they I went into the same line of business as the men, there was nothing left for us but to pray for an early consummation of Dr. Cumming's prophecy. He pro Mr. Scourfield tested against being accused of making any allegation of their inferiority. He had no doubt that their vote would be given on as good and pure principles as any of the men; but he wished to remind hon. Members of one circumstance. The House, by a decisive majority, refused to adopt voting papers at elections. If voting papers had been allowed, women might have recorded their votes without being under the necessity of giving personal attendance at the poll; but now they must give their votes by personal attendance, and be exposed to all the annoyances to which everyone who had taken part in a contested election knew very well that persons who engage in these matters were invariably subjected. It was said that they need not vote if they did not like; but they knew that when a district became excited election agents would hunt out the name of every person who could vote, and careful inquiry would be made as to every influence that could be brought to bear in order to get them to vote in favour of a particular candidate. this way women would be subject to an amount of annoyance and persecution of which they had little idea at the present moment. He wished to see women continue in that vocation in which they were engaged, and doing all that was admirable, amiable, and delightful; but he had no wish to see them engaged in the line of the exceptional and the wonderful. He begged to move the Previous Question. In MR. W. FOWLER: If there can be any man who has a right to second this Motion it is I, because I have shown my desire to help the cause of the women of England in a way which I think very few other Members have ventured to do in the Motion of which I have given Notice for the 24th of this month. But, Sir, while I have the strongest feeling with regard to the injustice which has been done them by particular laws in this country as they now stand, I am not prepared to say that they should enter into political life. I quarrel with the title of this Bill. I do not think it a disability of women that they have no votes. I consider it rather a privilege that they have no votes, because they are therefore not expected to enter into that arena in which some of us are actively engaged. I entirely agree with the hon. Member for Manchester (Mr. |