the head-burying process and persist in the trite assertion of determination to run their properties as they wish, regard less of the efforts of Labor. And what is self-evident in the realm of these public interest" businesses is almost equally so in the so-called purely private industries. The police power of the Legislatures gives a constitutional authority broad enough to permit the regulation of these private businesses almost to the extent of their destruction. The great size of the Labor vote puts this power at the command of the forces of Labor. Thus the emptiness of the employer's boasts of autocracy is at once revealed. The legislators tell the capitalist that he cannot employ children in his shop save under certain conditions, and he has to obey. He is directed to put certain sanitary or safety appliances in his factory, and he cannot escape the obligation to do so, however much he means to do as he likes. He is prohibited from paying his employees in orders on his "store," and that method of payment has to be stopped. It is idle to multiply instances or consider details. The fact is indubitable that in this day and age no employer can truthfully claim to manage his business without let or hindrance from the Union or the Labor vote.

Capital must recognize the fact and deal with it accordingly. The loss of the power to act without restraint must be frankly admitted, and ways and means upon that basis be considered. For along that line there is a possibility of remedy. To refuse to admit the fact of Labor's tremendous power and to continue to act upon the hypothesis of its non-existence will result in a common disaster both to Capital and Labor.

What is the obvious remedy if we admit the fact and acknowledge the existence of this power of Labor? It lies in intelligent co-operation. This there cannot be while the employer is in the position of denying facts which exist and which the employee knows to exist. Let the employer say squarely to his men. that he recognizes their power; that if it is exercised in certain unwise or deleterious ways, he cannot continue to employ his capital in the enterprise; that the

abandonment of his business means not only loss to him but also the termination of their employment. Let there be a frank avowal by the employer of the inevitable partnership between himself and his men, this recognition of their power under present conditions, and such an honest and ingenuous appeal to their reason and enlightened self-interest as will bring about a wise use of the power in the common interest of both members of the partnership.

It is contrary to the lessons of history to assume that any class so large as that which we call the "laboring class" is actuated by dishonest motives. Illogical and misguided its members may be, and doubtless have been. We must, then, show them their error. That can never be done with hostility, or by attempting to smother facts. However misguided Labor may be, there is no lack of a realization on its part of the dominating power it now possesses. If Capital approaches it with an attempt to deny or suppress this undoubted fact, Labor immediately, and with justification, becomes suspicious. But approached fairly, Labor must listen to reason. We are fond of saying that the American people decide great questions correctly when they are squarely presented. That is only another way of saying that the laboring class may be trusted to think straight and reach the right conclusion if the matter is properly put before them.

By following the course we urge, Capital would fulfill not only a great moral law upon which the evolution of the race must depend, but it would also do that which is best calculated to make its returns larger and surer. The moral and economic laws are the same in this realm. It may be trite to say that Capital and Labor are partners, and that both must prosper or suffer together. But notwithstanding the general admis sion of this fact, we seem to have lost sight of the other fact, that one of the partners is an infant in his logical faculties, though a giant in strength. As such, Labor is entitled to the guiding hand and loyal protection of the adult partner, Capital. If the infant does not receive this, it uses its enormous strength wrongly, and both suffer.

HEN one of the charitable organizations of Buffalo sent out a call for a hundred automobiles to be placed at its disposal for the purpose of giving an exhilarating fresh-air experience of swift motion through the parks to the children of motorless parents, more than double the number of machines asked for were promptly presented, ready for use. The impression of cheerfully rendered service for others, thus given, is borne out as one investigates the life and the ideals and the habits of this city of the PanAmerican Exposition. But such was not my first impression.

Buffalo? The name stood for a city of hustling progress, the gateway through

which there poured and floated the commerce and business, not alone of the Empire State, but of an inland empire. It meant to me great stretches of bald asphalted streets-for Buffalo was early converted to the virtues of plentiful paving. I thought of the daintily beautiful Exposition carried to success by her people, and mournfully distinguished as the place of martyrdom for an American President. President. The proximity of attacked Niagara, and my remembrance of Buffalo business men connected with certain strenuous hours of appearances before the President, a Congressional Committee, and the Secretary of War, gave impression of Buffalo as mostly commercialism, and as reveling cheerfully

So, when I came to think of cities in terms of their true glory, Buffalo first presented no such claim as I shall now make for her, after seeing into the heart of the city and those who make it.

For now it seems to me, not in the least closing my eyes to her commerce, her railways, her manufactures, her rapid progress in population, that Buffalo stands out most strongly as a city of homesof individual American homes, too; not mere flat-cramped, closet-roomed "apartments or pigeonholes for humanity.

This glory of any city has long been claimed by a larger sister as her distinction; but the Keystone claim, considered against the surroundings, the individuality, the comfort, and the public provision for home efficiency found to prevail in Buffalo, can hardly be maintained. To go about the streets of this city of the lakes, whether along Delaware Avenue or North Street, or through the industrial residence section of the "East Side," is to see that here the separated, individual home is the rule. But one "block" or "row" of connected houses is said to exist in Buffalo, and it is made up of homes costing $10,000 each or more. The workers, be they high-salaried or labor-waged, live in separate houses, mostly on tree-lined, grass-edged streets, within available walking distance of cityprovided greenery of park or parkway. Some of these houses are "" two-family' homes; but they are distinctly not like the all-too-familiar tenements of our

congested cities, nor the " rows " of monotonous sameness-simply tenements laid down -seen in others.

Measure the relation: Buffalo's four hundred thousand live and work and pleasure themselves over forty-two square miles of the plain abutting Lake Erie's eastern end, while a single square mile of Manhattan's awful "East Side "holds just as many humans, who there surely work, while they attempt to live and pleasure!

Buffalo also has an "East Side." Thither I went, traversing miles of smoothly paved streets set with the homes of the thousands who have made this city their first abiding-place in America-Italians, Poles, Hungarians,

European nations. Two-and-a-half-story houses, with lawns and open spaces all about, prevailed. A fenceless neighborhood it was, but by no means childless; for the potential Americans were thick about the yards and the streets, forcing a contrast between their here happy condition as compared with that of the gutterplaying children of crowded New York.

Inquiry informed me that these real homes rented for from $15 to $18 per month. The conclusion one had to arrive at was that, in this sort of provision for her sweating thousands of mill and factory workers, Buffalo was building citizens with unusual efficiency.

But there were other homes to seemiles of them-residences of skilled workers, of clerks and business men, and, finally, of the commercial, professional, and political leaders. Widely differing in cost and size and beauty, all have one feature in common-they are set in green. Lawns to the front of them, lawns between, lawns in the rear. In the streets, trees, often in superb double rows on each side, growing in lawns of grassy strips. Taking from a high building a June view over the city, it seemed, save in the very heart of the business district, almost a forest. From the Niagara River great pumps lift one hundred and thirty millions of gallons of water daily to serve the needs of Buffalo, while silently, invisibly, unobtrusively, but most beneficently, the trees of Buffalo lift and coolingly evaporate every summer day other millions of gallons to make glad her streets and her people. Buffalo surely lives in a glory of summer green. By an admirable and unusual provision on some streets, she keeps the green at full efficiency, for the wires are underground, and a duplicated service of sewers, conduits, gas and water pipes on each side of the street prevents constant root irritation.

That the home idea is solidly planted in Buffalo is readily seen when onè considers the residence of a man of wealth, who, loving the city and foreseeing in time her greatness, has held thirteen acres of a homestead right in the heart of things. There his beloved elms grow stately, the rolling lawns sweep away