Correspondence.

(Whilst we open our columns impartially to correspondents we take no responsibility for the opinions expressed.]

44

IMAGINARY FACT."

"

[TO THE EDITOr of THE OUTLOOK."] SIR,—I will not occupy the valuable space of THE OUTLOOK by replying to Mr. O'Donnell's somewhat petulant personalities, but will deal at once with the matters of public moment to which his letter in your last issue refers. He describes as on my side "the purely imaginary fact that the Ancient Order of Hibernians is a secret and sectarian Order to serve the behests of the Catholic Church in Ireland." Let us see. The following is a quotation from the recently published work, Intolerance in Ireland-page 51 (London : Simpkin, Marshall): "The Rules of the Ancient Order of Hibernians will show the Roman build of the Society. 1. A

candidate must be Irish or of Irish descent.

2. He must

have complied with his Easter duties at the last Easter-time. 3. He is not to belong to any Society condemned by the Roman Church. 4. He receives the following admonition : You distinctly understand that this is an exclusively Catholic Order, and that its business is conducted strictly in accordance with the teaching of the Catholic Church; therefore you are at full liberty to consult your Confessor about everything that transpires at its meetings. As a priest he can attend any of its meetings and join in its deliberations. All priests are ex-officio members of the A.O.H.' 5. The meetings close with singing 'Faith of our Fathers,' and the recitations of 'Our Father' and 'Hail Mary! for the souls of our deceased brethren." Further, "It came out the other day in an Irish Court of Law that Hibernians were not at liberty to hold conversations with Protestants." I submit that the

above fully establishes the sectarian and exclusively religious foundation of the Order and as a “secular arm" of the Church of Rome.

Your correspondent remarks that "I have apparently no objection to a secret and exclusive sectarian Order when it happens to be called the Orange Society." There would have been force in that observation had reliable evidence been produced that the latter society carried on its operations on kindred lines of violence, lawlessness, and intimidation to those of the Ancient Order of Hibernians. Abundant evidence as to this latter fact is furnished in the work which has been more than once noticed in your columns-The Unknown Power behind the Constitutional movement (a designation bestowed upon it in 1906 by Mr. John Redmond himself). Also at page 51 of the above-mentioned work, Intolerance in Ireland, a statement quoted from Cardinal Logue as to the exclusive and reprehensible working of the society closes with the following: "The Ancient Order of Hibernians is a pest, a cruelty, and an unorganised system of blackguardism." The incongruity of priests being connected with a body which can be so described by a leading prelate of their Church is only too obvious and scandalous. A few words more on this branch of the subject of this letter. At page ix of the Preface to The Unknown Power it is stated: "The United Irish League rules Ireland, and the Ancient Order of Hibernians, of evil history, apparently rules the League." In the light of that statement additional importance is given to the scathing exposure by Mr. Walter Long, M.P., the other day of the abominable treatment, the long-continued truculent and vindictive persecution of Mr. Richard Kingston, of Curraclough, co. Cork, because he dared to continue the cultivation of a farm which his father bought thirty-five years ago and refused to give it up to the son (from America) of the previous evicted tenant. Mr. Kingston is a Protestant, and the Irish League is responsible for what Mr. Long rightly calls this "wicked persecution" of the United Irish League, a persecution condoned by Mr. Redmond himself." As strongly bearing upon this, permit me to place before your readers one more quotation which I take from the striking and valuable pamphlet edited by Mr. Ian Malcolm, M.P., entitled Convicted (The Union Defence League, 25 Victoria Street), in which, at page 32, under "Minorities Must Suffer," we find a speech by the late Mr. Parnell, M.P., quoted, in which the then Irish leader said at Ennis, September 19, 1880, that "when a man takes a farm from which another has been evicted" he must be isolated "from the rest of his kind, as

Mr. O'Donnell writes strongly and indignantly, as he is fully entitled to do, as to the suppression of the Queen's It does not better the matter for University in Ireland.

having been effected by the then existing Unionist Government. In the bitterness of his soul your correspondent closes his letter by saying, "The British Government of Ireland will always remain the deadliest enemy of the lay Catholics of Ireland." The coming Unionist Government at all events should see to it that no “lay Catholic of Ireland" could with To allow a justice make such a charge against them. "clerical section" there to "blackmail education" is an offence against the entire people. Enlightened by the strange developments connected with the new National University in Ireland, as well as by the painful experiences gained in other directions, the future Unionist Ministry should have neither in its proud place, and of doing justice to cultivated men who, difficulty nor qualms about replacing the Queen's University like Mr. O'Donnell, are justly embittered by seeing the degradation of the education of their naturally brilliant and would see them once again take their high place among the aspiring countrymen-a degradation which, fully removed, intellectual leaders of Europe.-I am, Sir, yours, &c., Bromley, Kent.

A. F. WALBROOK.

LOCUSTS AND SOME PLAGUE-SPOTS OF IRELAND.

[TO THE EDITOR OF "THE OUTLOOK."] SIR,-Having read authorities both for and against Home Rule, and finding so much conflicting evidence, I decided to visit the country. I am repaid by information gleaned. I visited towns in the South, Dublin, and Belfast, and discovered, as anticipated, that trouble was not economic, but religious. I know I am inviting trouble from my party by this statement. Time however has arrived, with civil war on the horizon, when truth must be told. Once again we have allowed Radicals to choose our battle-ground; they raised the cry of Protestant bigotry to lead us into a cul-desac, to prevent electors arriving at the truth. Unless we drop this false sense of chivalry and deal fairly with the question the people at the next election will decide for Home Rule. Think of it! Outside Ulster the life of a Protestant is

intolerable.

The Rev. A. Waldron saw nothing in Belfast like there is in the South, yet is converted against it. I challenge any Radical to go to Cork and district, see sights I witnessed, then return Home Ruler. The faith of Protestants in their Creator is just marvellous. They of course have been educated in the light of truth; whilst Catholics are kept in darkness from cradle to grave by the teachings of an unscrupulous power. John Redmond says, "No one is persecuted for his religion." That is a deliberate falsehood, and he knows it. How many English people understand the terrors of moonlighting and boycotting? Do they know cattle are driven miles from their homes, over rocks into the sea and ditches, their tails lopped off, and sometimes their heads-the work of the Ancient Order of Hibernians? The Cork Examiner of January 8 has a fulsome article in praise of Joe Devlin and above gang. We are informed they are a hundred thousand strong, and willing to do anything. (No Catholic is boycotted.) The priests consider the above organisation their secular arm. Oh, for a Cromwell for about two weeks! He would stand moonlighters against the wall, present arms, then send them to glory. Before arrival of Birrell régime, or Home Rule loomed on the horizon, these folk lived in peace with their neighbours. People lived on farms from twelve to thirty years unmolested. Now English rule, bag and baggage, is to be kicked from their shores; the farms meanwhile will be distributed amongst Nationalists. was told things are even worse in Galway and Sligo. Travelling by road or rail, you can distinguish at a glance who tills the farm. Unionists' are well cultivated and cared for, whilst Nationalists' fields and ditches are filled with weeds. The reason however is obvious. When it is in a state of decay the Estate Commissioners are called in to lower

I

rent.

Splendid land here only averages 10s. per acre under the Wyndham Act; at home land of that sort would fetch 50s. Labourers' cottages built with English money, containing three or four rooms, with an acre of land attached, are let for is. id. per week. These are always built on Unionist farms where possible, because labourers' pigs and poultry can trespass on this land and damage it, but he cannot recover compensation. My first experience was at Snugmore, where Mr. Horsford farms fifty acres. Knocking at the door a footstep (not exactly like Cinderella's) approached and the door was opened very cautiously. Amazement! A burly policeman invited me in. He disclosed facts; they had guarded this tenant (two police) for two and a-half years. His crime consisted in being a Protestant and paying rent. Moonlighters shot through his bedroom window. He cannot buy provisions; when he works or prays the police are with him. The amusing side to me (not to him) was that his food is brought by parcel post (must not touch H.M. mails), and he was waiting for his breakfast. The police take his cattle during the night into Cork for export to England.

My next case is far worse. A good many of us had heard of Mr. Kingston, but never knew of the facts. John Redmond says this case was engineered for political purposes. Kingston has had five police with him for three and a-half years, also a patrol to visit him during the night. After twenty-seven years with friendly relations all round, purchasing his farm and building his house, he is now threatened with murder unless he clears out. His two labourers and maidservant have stood by loyally, but a painful scene was enacted during my visit. A labourer had died, but no one dare supply a coffin. A friend at Macroim, twelve miles distant, was going to try to smuggle one in during the night. Extra police were coming down on Saturday to escort the funeral cortège. The Catholic maid is accompanied to church by stalwart policemen, likewise rest of family. No outsider will work for him; neighbours have been boycotted for assisting. The blacksmith who shod his horses had his valuable forge slit from end to end.

Do the Nationalist M.P.'s tell you these things upon British platforms? Will the salaried calumniator, T. P. O'Connor do it? All you can hear from them is about the Ulster intolerance. If ever a woman deserved the Victoria Cross Mrs. Kingston certainly does for standing by her husband and her faith during this awful period. Think of it, you women of England, having to sleep with a revolver under your pillow! The Union Jack is supposed to fly over Ireland. What will happen when police protection is withdrawn? I can give a dozen places I visited, but the above two are typical and sufficient for the neighbourhood. There is a farm just outside Limerick bought by a man at Cork. No one there would work on it. He sent men up from Cork with their furniture to Limerick Station. It stayed there three months, and was then returned because no one (not even the railway company) dare deliver it to the farm. Poor Mrs. Daley, of Carey's Row, Limerick. Just a simple text on her wall about Our Redeemer nearly encompassed her death; the action of misguided beings at instigation of Popedom. She was not on an evicted farm. Is that religious intolerance? You expect these things in Darkest Africa. How many of us realise that the money we pay in grants for education, etc., is gradually getting into the hands of priests. Nearly £2,000,000 goes that way. Why are efficient school teachers being forced out whilst non-efficient nuns are taking their places? Because very few nuns are paid. They work for their Church; meanwhile the priests take their salary. All institutions are fast being Romanised. I visited a hospital built with Protestant money, beds endowed by same, with a staff of Protestant nurses and doctors. A nun was introduced, and the weeding process began. To-day not a single Protestant is there. Heaven also help the Protestant who enters for treatment! Why is the Irish language being introduced again? Simply to put back the hands of the clock, which is already three hundred years behind.

Irish peasants do not require newspapers-better without them (vide the priests). Absolute darkness for them all in the name of religion. The Old Age Pension is one of the finest endowments Rome ever had (not excepting Peter's pence). It means one extra is. mass every week for every pensioner. What a gift for Father O'Flynn! How sad for the old folk! In the twentieth century too! Over here such things would be impossible. How dare any minister professing stewardship of our Lord refuse to read the funeral service unless money was paid for same! By what authority does he demand money

from all who visit the corpse? Who has fixed, I should like to know, the minimum fee for baptism at 5s.? Mother and two sponsors are required, and all must pay what they cannot afford. However little or much a bride possesses 10 per cent. goes to the Church, over and above fees (which are exorbitant) from the bridegroom, before ceremony can be performed. To be born, baptized, married, or buried in Ireland are expensive items. What becomes of all the money extracted from peasants by these locusts? Every little village or town can boast a fine church. This is what keeps the Emerald Isle in rags. I almost imagine my readers will think I am qualifying for a position in the Wide World Magazine. Anyone who doubts my statement however should take a trip to Cork. A most delightful place, and typical of Nationalist management. The rates are only 13s. 6d., but still rising (Belfast 5s. 4d.). If on the council you need not pay the rates. It is a most accommodating town. An ordinary Nationalist citizen need only prove that Kathleen or Micky has had measles, causing expense: the rate-collector waives his claim, the loss being made up at the next half-year by increasing the rate. No soldier or sailor need apply for work, because notices are displayed at Custom House to that effect.

Why do our soldiers prefer to remain in barracks? What compelled the authorities to make better provision for them inside? Because these loyal folk always spit when passing soldiers. A soldier's funeral must now make a détour to the cemetery, by order of Mr. Birrell, to avoid Nationalist quarters, where they go mad at the sight of the Union Jack. They pitched the statue erected to George III into the river, and substituted a filthy urinal. Alongside stands a nice monument erected to four Irish rebels, constituting a fine cornerpiece for South Mall. King George IV and Wel lington Bridges have had dedication stones removed. They are now renamed to perpetuate memory of two Irish traitors. No site could be found inside the City for monument to heroes of South African War. It was put up on a dust-heap; occasionally it is tarred and pasted over with anti-enlisting bills. This is the action of the men who migrated to America during the war, because it got rumoured about that conscription was about to take place; the trains were breaking down with these patriots leaving England in the lurch. They returned on termination of hostilities. The neighbouring town of Queenstown, owing to its beautiful harbour, should be studded with factories. It has one industry besides naval shipyards-lodging-house keeping-which depends absolutely on Navy for a living. A few weeks ago the place was smothered with anti-enlisting posters.

In Dublin the English are worshipped. I elicited the following reply when asking for Sackville Street: "Shure there's no such a street." "No! What have you done with it?" "Shure I am a telling ye. It's O'Connell Street. We won't have anything English now.' There are rebels' monuments at each end of it (Parnell and O'Connell). The Lord Mayor receives £1,500 per annum. (No Protestant need apply.) In Belfast it is honorary. No Catholic wants it without salary. As one would expect, the slums are found near Liberty Hall (Larkin's happy hunting-ground). These are quite as bad as those in Liverpool, which T. P. sits for. The worst slums are always found in Catholic quarters all over the world. English law is not recognised in Dublin. Larkin got seven months. Hibernians protested and he was let out. The jury who pronounced him guilty now have a rosy time.

Belfast needs little description. It is free from the whining beggars of the South, with their “ Spare a copper, yer honour." It is a hive of industry. If England will stand aside to act as referee Ulster will soon put the Carpentier lock on her enemies. The place is studded with rifle-ranges and drillhalls. Those men too old to fight have joined the women in the ambulance corps. This question has shown us their grit. One large employer said: "I am sixty-seven and too old to march, but I can provide the sinews of war." That is the spirit which pervades. He has spent £5,000 already teaching his men the art of warfare. (Not the wooden guns.) A fine signal-station erected at Bangor sends messages all over the country, and across to Wigtown in Scotland. It is decorated by a large Union Jack presented by the Channel Fleet. Heaven help the army sent against these men, who are determined to stand up for their faith! Why is it that outside Ireland the Catholics are such good fellows, yet like putty at home in the hands of the priests? Why cannot they excel there as the English and Scots have done? Why remain hewers of wood and drawers of water? Echo answers,

Because their souls are sold. The threat of purgatory, like the sword of Damocles, is always held over them. I say to my fellow-electors there is only one issue. Face it boldly.

Shall Rome govern Ireland? Her power is on the wane in most countries; the British Isles only are left. It is her only chance. The insidious teaching is again creeping along like paralysis. Stop it ere it is too late. It is with feelings of shame I notice my leaders are dallying with compromise. Leave Ulster out, I still oppose the measure. What of the loyal minority in other counties? Would you leave them to the tender mercies of Joe Devlin? No! it is unthinkable. Let us protect our Irish kith and kin by denying separation. Work hard for one King, one flag, one Empire.-I am, Sir, yours, &c., T. H. APPLEBY.

69 Fenwick Road, E. Dulwich.

"THE GIFFORD LECTURES."

[TO THE EDITOR OF "THE OUTLOOK."]

SIR, Mr. Clement's reference to the many aspects of Mr. Balfour's Gifford Lectures tempts me to survey them from the point of view of the traditionalist. I use the word "traditionalist" in its broadest sense (it is the fashion nowadays to confine the expression to theology), meaning, in Aristotelian language, "the divine right of things as they are." I hope some day, in the pages of THE OUTLOOK, to make my meaning clearer as to these divine rights. Here let me declare that, even from the secular standpoint, the Fall of Man is a very apparent fact. I believe that before that Fall a concrete body of truth was divinely bestowed upon the world and on the vestiges of that body of truth, through the channels of tradition, we still feed our intellects. Mr. Balfour's debt to orthodox sources is great, as he would doubtless acknowledge. The very fact that he has developed, with such infinite care, his real genius for dialectic accords well with the value placed by Plato on this great art. Not Plato, but Plato's great successor, Aristotle, is the leader of Mr. Balfour's thought. The pity is that the reliance on Aristotle is not absolute; but here, as in so much else, modern unorthodox methods have barred progress. Instead of following the realism of the great Stagirite, Mr. Balfour chose to mould his thought on what has been called the Transfigured Realism of Spencer. Spencer, it will be remembered, wavered between Materialism and this so-called Transfigured Realism. Clement is disappointed that Mr. Balfour should positively reject Natural Selection as an explanation of the higher values of æsthetic and ethical emotions. Mr. Clement considers this rejection bad science. I can understand this might be bad science in the reasoning of an idealist or a materialist, but not in that of a realist; and it is a satisfaction to orthodox realists that Mr. Balfour has in this particular taken a firm stand.

Mr.

I have often wondered whether the idea of Natural Selection was speculated upon and rejected by the ancients. We know that they were to a certain extent evolutionists, holding the belief that species were immutable. ("Ah!" I can hear a neo-Darwinian exclaim, "Had they possessed a Darwin to marshal facts they would have believed in the transmutation of species!"--but are we certain of this?) The idea of survival of the fittest occurred to others besides Darwin. Why should it not have occurred to the ancients? It is impossible

not to form this conclusion in reading Empedocles's description of the origin of mankind. He says: "As the elements combined, strange results followed-shoulders without heads, hands without arms. Then, as the structures blended, many monstrosities appeared; among them horned men, and manfaced oxen, and animals of double sex. Gradually from this carnal chaos the animal world, as it now exists, was evolved by the casual adaptation of suitable parts. By what name, other than Natural Selection, would the Darwinian describe this process?-I am, Sir, yours, &c., FLORENCE GAY. Heath, Haslemere.

KIKUYU.

[TO THE EDITOR OF THE OUTLOOK."]

SIR,-Are not the real differences between the different branches of Christ's Church the differences of ignorance? Is not this ignorance often the main basis of misunderstanding between one Christian body and another? There are many religions, but only one Religion, and surely the cardinal truth of that one religion is that the Holy Spirit is continually ener

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gising, that He is inspiring men now just as ever, and that He is continuously leading them into all truth by divers portions and in divers manners.

In this twentieth century it manifestly is fatal to Christian progress to regard with suspicion the results of pious scholarship. We sadly now need the pertinent warning of sixteenthcentury Erasmus to be repeated-to wit, "By identifying the new learning with heresy you make orthodoxy synonymous with ignorance." The National Church needs to be a living force in a living age of living men, for, as Burke said of the State, so the Church, without the means of some change, is without the means of its conservation. Those who acknowledge Jesus the Christ as the Supreme Authority and Guide, and enter more and more into His all-revealing mind, are making progress toward the harmonising truths He represents. It is not that one branch of the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church, which is the blessed company of all faithful people, is making conquest of the others, but that Jesus the Christ is making conquest of us all. We all surely need to think of human souls rather than of human privileges, and to show a united Christian front, sinking all mere non-essentials around one common holy table at the foot of the one Cross. -I am, Sir, yours, &c., THEODORE P. BROCKLEHUrst.

The Well House, Giggleswick-in-Craven.

A QUESTION OF IMPORT.

[TO THE EDITOR of THE OUTLOOK."] SIR,-What the country has to face is: Are we to have the curse of civil war forced on us by Mr. Redmond's Home Rule caucus or not? England's boast is that "freedom" is our heritage and our glory. Are we to thrust out our fellowProtestants and place them under Rome; are we to force their necks under the Nationalists' yoke, using our Army and Navy to effect this end? Let Mr. Redmond and his creatures try it, and the result will be a divided kingdom and a bloody

civil war in the first phase. The second phase will be a war with Germany, resulting in a lost Empire for us.—I am, Sir, yours, &c., W. HERON MAXWELL.

WOMEN AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT.

[TO THE EDITOR of THE OUTLOOK."] SIR,-Your article on the United Irishwomen's movement is full of interest to rural workers in England and Wales at this time. Some of us feel that the time is at hand for the preparation of a sound scheme to enable women to help in the solution of our rural problems in a united manner. It appears however that the following points should be kept in mind if a step forward in this direction is to be made: 1. That any scheme which may be suggested should, while closely allied to some organisation already at work, nevertheless make it clear that women's work is asked for on the ground that they are fellow-workers and not merely assistants to men. 2. That the nucleus of any such movement should be the existing women workers. There are many women doing valiant work already in various ways and in isolated groups. 3. That while all are welcomed, it must be made clear that real business is required-keen work on sound lines, and not just good intentions without expert knowledge. 4. If success is to be attained it will be necessary to collect the most able minds among existing workers and get them to consider what the best method of advance will be. I would suggest that a small committee on these lines should draw up a report after inquiry. Such a report might lead to very valuable results. I am, Sir, yours, &c.,

THE INNOCENTS ABROAD.

X.

[TO THE EDITOR OF "THE OUTLOOK."] SIR,-You were kind enough at the beginning of the year to allow me to point out that, though we wretched taxpayers were paying war taxes in time of peace, and the working classes were being done wholesale by the Insurance tax, still, with the return of Lord Murray and the loss of the Radical funds, we were soon likely to have some glorious fun. Sweet simplicity has always got a charm of its own, whether in regard to the beau sexe, or dealings in Marconis. Dean

Ramsay has told us of the Scots factor who, in his old age, said: "Mon, I tell ye honesty is the best policy. I ought to know, for I've treed baith." So it may begin to dawn on the Marconi Ministers that it is so; though there is no denying that both the "Chinese Lie" and the Rome Rule bargain has been a very lucrative game. Now there is only one missing from the interesting trio, and that is Cæsar's neglected wife. It was generally supposed she had gone to Bogota, but one has found from private sources that she has had a nervous breakdown, and all this time she has been lying perdue in the Welsh mountains, living on a strict diet of leeks and cocoa. When she is able, we are also informed, to get about, she hopes to give a series of lectures on "Clean Government, with some very piquant particulars of the wholesale jobbery as regards Ministers' sons, relatives, partners, friends, and even flunkeys, etc. As Mr. Lloyd George took such a keen interest in the little lady (in 1900 re Kynoch), she intends to commence her tour in Wales; but as twenty-seven out of thirty-four Welsh members have got nice soft jobs at the taxpayers' expense, it is doubtful if even she can tell the nations much they don't know, even if they have the sweet simplicity of the Radical Chief Whip and all the legal luminaries and schoolmasters who have done, during the last eight years, so much to "elevate the moral tone of the masses," to say nothing of their own banking accounts.— I am, Sir, yours, &c., ANDREW W. ARNOLD.

STATESMANSHIP A LA MODE.

"

[TO THE EDITOR of THE OUTLOOK."]

SIR,-In his speech on the day of the opening of Parliament Mr. Asquith is reported to have said, in reference to the Home Rule question: "I cannot but think that it must be within the resources of British statesmanship, which has solved so many problems as intractable in appearance and and under the most diverse conditions-I cannot believe that as formidable in dimensions as this in all parts of the world,

we are reduced to such an insolvency of statesmanship that we cannot, with an honest mind, with goodwill, and with determination avoid, if it be possible, the evils and dangers which lie before us-I cannot believe that this problem also will not yield to the same treatment.' The only problem within a comparatively recent period at all comparable with the Irish crisis was the revolt of the North American colonies against a system of taxation which they considered illegal. That revolt, like the present situation in Ulster, was brought about by British statesmanship, but it was not quelled by British statesmanship. The Americans proved that they were right, not by the resources of statesmanship, but by force of arms; and it may possibly turn out that the Ulstermen will show by the same means that they were also right. The sky will never be cleared until Mr. Asquith learns that statesmanship does not consist in the arts and methods of the Parliamentary tactician. He declared in the same speech that the Home Rule Bill was a statesmanlike measure. His late colleague, Lord Loreburn, who is a Parliamentarian of the same type as Mr. Asquith-a man who rushes blindfold into a barbed-wire fence, and when he has nearly killed his horse wonders by what shifts he may extricate himself—has told us that if Home Rule passes there will be civil commotion in the North of Ireland, and if it does not pass there will be civil commotion in the South and West. A statesmanlike

measure indeed.

The truth is that Parliamentary statesmanship of Mr. Asquith's type has been the most futile instrument for the administration of an Empire that the perversity of man ever invented. The foundations of our Colonies were never based upon it, nor was British rule in India established by its aid. On the contrary, it was statesmanship of this kind that brought Raleigh to the block, that embittered the life of Clive, and strove its utmost to ruin the declining years of Hastings. Within the last fifty years there have been only two men in public life who could see a yard in front of them— Lord Beaconsfield and Mr. Chamberlain. The former, when he purchased the Suez Canal shares, with which Parliament had nothing to do, secured our route to India, and gave us a locus standi in Egypt. The latter had the inspiration to discover the only means by which we could permanently secure the loyalty and affection of our Overseas Dominions, and at the same time raise the British working-man from the slough of poverty and dependence in which a mistaken fiscal policy has landed him.