paper and press worthy of the author's style. (The Macmillan Company, New York. $2.) The seventh volume of the "History for Ready Reference," in its enlarged edition, covers the decade now ending, and is therefore of special value to readers in quest of up-to-date and accurate information. It has been judiciously remarked that the history of our own time is the part of history of which many who are well read in the history of former times-not to speak of others are most liable to be imperfectly informed. The world has been making history fast in this period of transition, and the history made in the past ten years exhibits pregnant movements, evolutionary and revolutionary, that touch all the phases and interests of life. The text of this record of it presents a literature of history drawn from the best writers and special students. It exhibits the yearby-year historical evolution of change and progress. All the great social problems now in process of solution are here presented in their gradual advancement from stage to stage, such as the trust problem, the railway problem, the municipal government problem, the various race problems, with texts of laws, judicial decisions, notable agreements and incidents. Science and invention, education, public health, war both as prepared for and as protested against, Dreadnoughts and Hague Conferences, appear among other salient subjects. A record of disturbance and conflict in national and international affairs has to do with Russia and Japan, the awakening of China, the revolutions in Turkey and Persia, the unrest in India, the friction of class interests in England, the separation of Church and State in France, etc. No stronger appeal to living interests than is here found is made by any portion of the long record of human life and struggle. Fifty-five courses of study in history, ancient, mediæval, and modern, with good bibliographies, form a valuable appendix to the seven volumes. The editor is Mr. J. N. Larned. (The C. A. Nichols Company, Springfield, Massachusetts.)

Two recent books about Theodore Roose

velt are interesting for unlike reasons. One, called simply "Theodore Roosevelt," and published by Messrs. Hodder & Stoughton, of London, consists of a reprint of articles from the pen of Mr. Sydney Brooks, who is known both in England and America as an acute and thoughtful commentator on current political and social affairs. These papers originally appeared in the London "Chronicle." They take up the more important divisions of Mr. Roosevelt's public career, not with historic elaboration or detail, but with a fair-minded intention to make clear underlying purposes and personal traits, mental and moral. Mr. Brooks's final characterization, after pointing out such blemishes as "gratuitous brusqueness" and "combativeness," says: "But these are trivial blemishes on a character so clean, just, straightforward, and exuberant as his, so rare

a union of practicality with enthusiasm, so quick an eye for the essential thing, so much humanity as he possesses, so inspiriting an broad-gauged, infectious, supremely virile example as he has set of courage, intensity, and common sense. The other volume, called "The Real Roosevelt," is a compilation of extracts from Mr. Roosevelt's writ

Wa

ings and speeches. The compiler, Alan Warner, states that the proof has been revised by Mr. Roosevelt. The endeavor is to give a large variety of important utterand indexing are admirable. In an introances in a compact form. The arrangement duction Dr. Lyman Abbott says: "For an understanding of the political or ethical

ideals of such a man one must read his com

pleter utterances. But for a more intimate acquaintance with the man himself, one delieu of these, such fragmentary utterances as sires correspondence, conversation, or, in have been here brought together by one who understands and admires him." (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York.

$1.)

The eighth volume of the Catholic Encyclopædia contains a number of articles which arrest attention. Chief among these is the essentially apologetic article on the Inquisition. The case seems abandoned by the admission at the outset that, until the union of Church and State in the fourth century, the great teachers of the Church insisted on complete religious liberty, which did not lack some advocates for four centuries more. But by the thirteenth century its repression became "a political necessity." The evils of the Inquisition are minimized, and largely charged to the rude temper of the times-for the savagery of which the Church can, in fairness, not be held irresponsible. Mr. H. C. Lea's classic work on the Inquisition is criticised for unfairness, but it will not suffeṛ in comparison with the apology presented in this article. The three pages given to Know-nothingism, the proscriptive political movement directed especially against American Catholics in 1851-1858, has a special interest for fair-minded non-Catholics, with its history of the political disabilities that have now been removed. Among other and highly valuable articles those which give Irish, and to Italy forty-six pages, with maps nearly seventy pages to Ireland and the and numerous illustrations, are specially attractive. The immovable conservatism of Catholic scholars on points of Biblical critisingle authorship of the book of Isaiah, and cism appears in their insistence upon the the strictly historical character of the book of Jonah, despite the verdict to the, contrary given by the rest of the learned world. (Robert Appleton, New York. $6.)

We may now place another book alongside Mrs. van Rensselaer's work on the English cathedrals-Helen Marshall Pratt's "The Cathedral Churches of England." The present volume is noteworthy for four reasons. In the first place, the author wisely separates the thirty-two cathedrais

A VIEW OF IOWA INSURGENCY The views of The Outlook upon the political situation in Iowa, as expressed under the titles "Insurgents Aggressive" and "A Twofold Victory," are very interesting. There are, however, some facts apparently not taken into consideration by The Outlook, but which are plainly evident to any one who knows enough of Iowa politics to judge something of the undercurrents by the surface eddies. Some of them are as follows:

It is not controverted and is not controvertible that Senator Cummins has reached the superlative as a political boss in Iowa.

The Cummins oligarchy is as aggressive in its oligarchical methods as any oligarchy possibly can be.

As any one, be he Stand-pat, Progressive, Insurgent, or Democrat, or of any other party whom an Iowa constituency may honor by an election to the Congress, will undoubtedly represent and work for Iowa interests that is, the interests of the farms rather than the interests of cotton or woolen

mills the "triumph of the Iowa Insurgents" is significant only as a personal triumph of A. B. Cummins. It is a wonderful and astonishing tribute to the personality of a man! There was no moral or ethical principle involved.

It has become the custom for 20,000 or 30,000 to vote the Republican primary ballot and to vote for all or nearly all the Democratic nominees in the fall election. The possible complications that may arise from the condition are perplexing. A personal political acquaintance will convince any one that nearly every Democrat who votes the Republican primary ballot is a Cummins

heaven and earth. Our Lord could hardly have perpetrated so gratuitous a tautology. RICHARD ROBERTS.

Crouch Hill Presbyterian Church,
London, England.

II

In your issue for July 23 you print a letter from Upton Sinclair entitled "The Ethics of Jesus," and in your commentary on the same you indicate that Sinclair is a fool. Sinclair's letter is certainly very bitter, when the subject is considered, but why should Dr. Lyman Abbott, or any one else, endeavor to blink when the plain facts in the case are presented to him? We were favored at one time by a book entitled "If Christ Came to Chicago," by Editor Stead, of the "Pall Mall Gazette;" and Christ did come to Chicago. He came in the person of John Alexander Dowie, and he was treated with superlative scorn by the Christian newspapers in that city. Yet Mr. Dowie was not nearly so impractical as Jesus. He built manufactories, and showed some business ability; whereas Jesus was one of those dreamers and philanthropists for whom the world to-day professes to have no use. Jesus, who evidently did no useful work of any kind, preached to the people. He was a king, but his kingdom was not of this earth. If he were to preach like doctrines at this time, he would certainly be regarded as a harmless fanatic; but his claim to be a king at that time was seized upon as a treasonable utterance, and he was cruelly crucified; whereas John Alexander Dowie was allowed to die peacefully "of a broken heart." If any one of us were to give all of his goods to the poor at this date and follow a man like Jesus, what would we think of him? what would we say of him? Would we not class him as crazy? His friends would make haste to have the judge of probate appoint a guardian for him to preserve his property, and rightly

so, too.

What, then, is the use of the pretense that we can be, in this age of the world, in any way influenced by the actions or words of that obscure visionary Jesus, who was only one of the long list of martyrs to ignorance and superstition whose stories are told in history? In the year 1910which is still, by the way, sometimes marked Anno Domino-if a man sets out to accomplish something, he must provide the means beforehand. If he were to trust in any supernatural assistance which he expected would be rendered to him, he would almost certainly fail.

The methods of the large "trusts" and corporations, especially of those in the United States of America, are such as to make every true American proud of his country when they are considered as means for the

rapid and efficient despatch of business; but what has Jesus to do with such things?

Detroit, Michigan.

JAMES BACON.

[See editorial entitled " Jesus Christ a LifeGiver."-THE EDITORS.]

ern journey, extending from Cheyenne to Sioux Falls, had for its most notable events the Frontier Day exercises at Cheyenne and the receptions and addresses at Denver, Osawatomie, Kansas City, and Omaha. Elsewhere in this issue will be found special correspondence from a member of The Outlook's staff who is accompanying Mr. Roosevelt, but we may here record also some impressions of our correspondent which reach us apart from the article printed on another page. In his judgment, no account of the reception accorded to Mr. Roosevelt could be extravagant, while the personal affection evident among the crowds was unmistakable. Our correspondent finds a parallel between the Denver demonstration and that in New York in June; there were the same sidewalks lined with dense crowds, and the same cheering, while at the meeting in the great Denver Auditorium there were fifteen thousand people present who gave the heartiest cheers of all in response to Mr. Roosevelt's exposition of the principles of Conservation. Both at Denver and at Kansas City Mr. Roosevelt made an appeal to the American people to fight for the public welfare, not only for their own sake, but also for the sake of the nations of the world who are looking to America to see the outcome of our great democratic experiment. Before the Legislature at Denver the remarks made by Mr. Roosevelt about the neutral ground between State and Federal Governments and about the effect of court decisions were substantially the same as the passages on these subjects in his editorial called "The Pioneer Spirit and American

Our

Problems," to be found on another page. An incident characteristic of the man took place at Denver. Judge Lindsey, whose denunciation of corruption in high places among both parties in Denver is everywhere known, had not been invited to sit on the platform with the prominent men of the city. Mr. Roosevelt sent for him, cordially thanked him for his efforts against corporate and personal wrongdoing, and insisted that Judge Lindsey should march up the aisle with him and take a place upon the platform. correspondent notes that Mr. Roosevelt showed consummate skill in controlling his audience at Denver, and adds that when he saw any portion of them applauding his attack on the faults of others he held their interest perfectly until he got them heartily applauding his attack on the faults of their own class. The Osawatomie speech will undoubtedly be historical, and our correspondent confirms the impression already received in the East that the entire West regards this speech as the raising of the standard for the Progressive movement throughout the country. Finally, our correspondent comments on the meeting at Kansas City, Missouri, as the greatest of all, for the Convention Hall was packed with at least twenty thousand people, the largest audience ever seen there, even at a National political convention; the people were almost wildly joyous in their demonstration as Mr. Roosevelt scored in turn crooked public officials and crooked private citizens, and urged that we should deal" with the rich swindler in New York or Chicago as with the horsethief or homicide in Indian Territory," adding, "The reckless agitator who invariably singles out men of wealth as furnishing the only examples of dishonesty, and

the equally unscrupulous-but no more unscrupulous-reactionary who can see dishonesty only in a blackmailing politician or a crooked labor leader, both stand on the same plane of obnoxiousness." This week the Congress of the National Conservation Association is taking place at St. Paul, and on another page will be found an editorial commenting on the speeches of President Taft and Mr. Roosevelt before that meeting.

THE OSAWATOMIE SPEECH

Mr. Roosevelt's speech at Osawatomie was largely devoted to expounding the doctrine of what he calls the "New Nationalism," the general view of the functions of the Federal Government which for some time past The Outlook has called the New Federalism. In this speech Mr. Roosevelt makes it clear that he is a strong Federalist, but a Federalist tempered with a confidence in both the moral honesty and the political efficiency of the people as a whole which Hamilton did not possess. We are indebted to an editorial in the New York York "Sun" for a very clear statement of what Mr. Roosevelt's theory of Federal Government means. The Sun" rightly quotes as the essence of this theory the following paragraphs from the Osawatomie speech:

"The New Nationalism is impatient of the utter confusion that results from local legislatures attempting to treat National issues as local issues."

"It is still more impatient of the impotence which springs from the over-division of Government powers."

This New Nationalism regards the Executive power as the steward of the public welfare."

"It demands of the Judiciary that it shall be interested primarily in human welfare rather than in property, just as it demands that the representative body shall represent all the people rather than one class or section of the people."

These four statements of the aims of the New Nationalism the "Sun" calls "a doctrine more nearly revolutionary than anything that ever proceeded from the lips of any American who has held high office in our Government." If this doctrine is revolutionary, it logically follows that the people do not now possess the powers or the rights which the New

Nationalism aims to give them. The Outlook earnestly and thoroughly approves of the doctrine as stated by Mr. Roosevelt, and believes that the " Sun's" presentation of his speech is a significant indication that there is a fundamental and perhaps critical issue before the people of this country to-day. There is unquestionably a large body of American citizens, found perhaps in greater numbers in the East than in the West, who regard the doctrine of the New Nationalism as revolutionary; there is also a large body of citizens, we believe in the majority, who regard it, not as revolutionary, but as essential to the future progress and stability of American democracy. If Mr. Roosevelt's Osawatomie speech has done nothing else, it has made the issue clear. In our judgment, the reason why he is greeted with the enthusiasm which his visit West has aroused is because, either consciously or subconsciously, he is recognized as the most prominent and the most efficient exponent and exemplar of this doctrine in this country to-day.

National Congressional Committee, telling why voters should cast their ballots for Republican nominees for Congress this November, is an admirable campaign document-and more. It has in its moderate tone and its concise and effective summary of past history the characteristics of a Presidential Message. The Outlook agrees with Mr. Taft that it is very difficult to state all the principles that would govern a Democratic majority if one should be elected. This is true, not only for the reasons given by Mr. Taft-the inconsistent planks in the Democratic platform, and the repudiation by leading Democrats of certain of these planks but also because the Democratic party consists of two wings, the conservative and the radical, which are more opposed to each other than either of them is to the avowed principles of the Republican party. We also agree with Mr. Taft that it is of the utmost importance to make the fall campaign a campaign of education as to facts, and, we should add, as to fundamental principles. We hope the campaigners will take this state