difference, for, despite the existence of a shadowy so-called Korean "Government," Japanese rule has been complete enough in the peninsula ever since the Russo-Japanese War. Immediately sucImmediately succeeding that war there were complaints of Japanese oppression, but latterly, under the late Prince Ito as Resident-General, there has been small comparative cause for complaint. Certainly, the Korea of to-day is vastly different from what it was previous to the war. More progress towards civilization has been made in the six years since 1904 than during the preceding six centuries. First of all, by the introduction of water-works and sewers the Korean cities have been made sanitary; then highways, railways, and lighthouses have been built; telegraphs, telephones, and a postal service provided; hospitals and schools established; the courts reorganized on an enlightened basis, and, in especial, the old torture of witnesses and prisoners abolished; the currency put on a gold basis; the mining laws modified so that our mining interests in Korea have quadrupled; and, so far as general officialdom is concerned, the Japanese now in control have been generally juster in their dealings with the people than were the native officials before 1904. The Japanese have also promoted the religious as well as the material interests of the Koreans, not only by the large liberty allowed to the several hundred missionaries now engaged in work in that country, but also because of the appointment of Judge Watanabe, one of the most active and influential Christians in Japan, to the head of the Korean judiciary. This Presbyterian elder and ex-President of the Yokohama Young Men's Christian Association used the following words on assuming office: "I go to Korea, not merely to interpret and administer the law, but that I may be a witness for Christ.”

pered the Japanese in the efforts that they were making to reform and regenerate a decadent civilization. As long ago as 1905 Mr. George Kennan, The Outlook's special correspondent in the Far East, pointed out the impracticability of administering Korean affairs by means of a dual government with divided powers and responsibilities, and in that connection` said: "The scheme was practically unworkable from the beginning, and it was hardly worth while to adopt the unsatisfactory method of governing by advice, merely for the sake of maintaining the fiction of Korean independence. As a matter of fact, Korea is not independent, and the system of advisory control to which Japan has resorted multiplies the difficulties of administration, complicates the question of responsibility, and serves no useful purpose whatever." Within the past year this has come to be the opinion even of the Koreans—or a large part of them-and, in addition to organizing a pro-Japanese party known as the Il-ChinHoi, they have recently sent to the Japanese Resident-General in Seoul no less than seventeen memorials in favor of annexation. It is not probable, therefore, that the virtual abdication of the Korean Emperor and the assumption of nominal as well as actual sovereignty by the Emperor of Japan will lead to any serious disorder. So far as the interests of Western Powers are concerned, annexation will probably make no change, except perhaps in the matter of exterritoriality. Japan now controls the Korean courts, and can guarantee that justice will be done in them, and she may therefore ask the Western Powers to surrender their right to have their nationals tried in Korea by their own consuls.

it were

romance. His writings were singularly free from those technicalities of language, that professional lingo, which appear to be the delight of the experts and are the despair of their non-expert readers. Like Plato, he was at once profound and palatable. He never wrote "in the air." He dealt not with the themes of the scholastics, but with the actualities of life. In his "Varieties of Religious Experience" he treats of relig ion as Darwin treats of emotions in his "Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals." He studies human experiences, some of them unusual, some of them morbid, but all of them well authenticated, and draws his conclusions from spiritual phenomena as a scientist would from material phenomena. Yet he does not confound the two, nor think it necessary, in order to subject spiritual phenomena to scientific treatment, to deny that they are truly spiritual. Mr. James was aided in his task by a delicate and sensitive imagination, which enabled him to understand and enter into experiences and to interpret them though he did not possess them himself. He was intensely practical, and measured philosophy as Jesus Christ measured religion, by its fruits. The test of any philosophical hypothesis was with him the way it works. He was extraordinarily open-minded; by which we mean, he was desirous only to know the truth, not to marshal selected truths to support his pre-elected hypothesis. In this respect his mind and his method were scientific, not theological. Add to these qualities the simplicity and naïveté of a master of style, and we get some of the elements which combined to make him to the lay reader perhaps the most interesting modern writer on philosophical themes, while at the same time a valuable contributor to the scholar's interpretation of the phenomena of the world of the spirit.

ber 8 the general train service will be inaugurated—that with Long Island has already begun. already begun. In 1902 the city of New York granted a franchise authorizing the construction, maintenance, and operation of the tunnel-extension and station of the Pennsylvania system. The following year the construction of the tunnels was begun, two under the Hudson River and four under the East River. They were built by shields driven from each side of the respective rivers, and the union was completed in 1906 for the Hudson River tunnels, and in 1908 for those under the East River. The central station to which these tunnels give access is bounded by Seventh and Eighth Avenues and Thirty-first and Thirty-third Streets. The station covers about eight acres of ground. The architecture is Roman Doric. The façade suggests the imposing character of the ancient Roman temples. As a station, the architects, Messrs. McKim, Mead & White, have built what is really a monumental bridge over the Pennsylvania tracks. Not only is the Seventh Avenue façade second to no architectural feature of New York in point of impressiveness, but the interior of the great waiting-room is equally suggestive of the most monumental waythat of the Roman basilicas-of treating a large roofed in area. This waiting-room is the largest in the world. Within it are located the ticket offices, baggage-checking windows, and telegraph and telephone offices, so conveniently arranged that a passenger may proceed from one to the other with a minimum amount of exertion. The station and its attendant tunnels all form a monument to the undaunted confidence of Mr. Cassatt (the late President of the Pennsylvania system) in the belief that it was possible to obtain entrance into New York City for railways which formerly had their termini at Jersey City and Hoboken. At a time when many experts ridiculed the idea of tunneling the Hudson River, Mr. Cassatt was sure that the theory of Mr. Charles M. Jacobs, the eminent engineer who undertook the work, was correct. In season and out of season he labored to persuade his colleagues, and finally induced them to make a preliminary grant. This first step taken, the rest followed, and the great

new station in New York City is not only a model of what such a structure should be, but also the outward and visible sign of a triumph hidden under the waters of the Hudson River.

THE PIONEER SPIRIT AND AMERICAN PROBLEMS

For a number of years I have believed and urged the principles I set forth in the following article. Their presentation here is in substance what I said in three recent speeches at Cheyenne, Denver, and Omaha.

The men who have made this great republic what it is, and especially the men who have turned it into a continental commonwealth, have possessed in the highest degree the great virile virtues of strength, courage, energy, and undaunted and unwavering resolution. Their typical leaders-of whom Abraham Lincoln, though the most exceptional, was the most typical-have possessed keen intelligence, and a character not merely strong but lofty, a character exalted by the fact that great power was accompanied by a high and fine determination to use this great power for the common good, for the advancement of mankind. Such men were the builders of New England. As the country grew, such men were the pioneers that pushed the frontiers of civilization westward. A hundred years ago, when men spoke of the West, they meant the country between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi. Fifty years ago the white man's West took in Minnesota, Iowa, and Kansas, and then skipped across to California and Oregon. The country of the great plains and the Rockies has grown up within my own lifetime. I myself saw and took part in the closing years of the pioneer period, and it was my great privilege to work side by side with the pioneers—the ranchmen, the miners, the cow-punchers, the mule-skinners, the bull-whackers-who actually opened up the country. I now travel in every comfort on railways across lands which, when I first rode across them, were still the home of the Indian and the buffalo and I find cities where one can obtain not merely comfort but luxury, in the places

where, thirty years ago, there was not a building beyond a log hut or a 'dobe house. The men who did this work were engaged in the final stages of conquering the continent; and it was their privilege to do one of the great works of all time, to do their part in the performance of an epic feat in the history of the progress of mankind.

The pioneer days are over, save in a few places; and the more complex life of to-day calls for a greater variety of good qualities than were needed on the frontier. There is need at present to encourage the development of new abilities which can be brought to high perfection only by a kind of training useless in pioneer times but these new qualities can only supplement, and never supplant, the old, homely virtues; the need for the special and distinctive pioneer virtues is as great as ever. In other words, as our civilization grows older and more complex, while it is true that we need new forms of trained ability, and need to develop men whose lives are devoted wholly to the pursuit of special objects, it is yet also true that we need a greater and not a less development of the fundamental frontier virtues.

These qualities, derived from the pioneers, were not confined to the pioneers. They are shown in the deeds of the Nation; and especially in the two great feats which during the past decade have made the deepest impression abroad-the cruise of the battle fleet around the world, and the digging of the Panama Canal.

Now, there is no use of a nation claiming to be a great nation, unless it is prepared to play a great part. A nation such as ours cannot possibly play a great part in international affairs, cannot expect to be treated as of weight in either the Atlantic or the Pacific, or to have its voice as to the Monroe Doctrine or the management of the Panama Canal heeded, unless it has a strong and thoroughly efficient navy. So far from this increase in naval strength representing on our part either a menace of aggression to weaker nations or a menace of war to stronger nations, it has told most powerfully for peace. No nation regarded the cruise as fraught with any menace of hostility to

itself; and yet every nation accepted it as a proof that we were not only desirous ourselves to keep the peace, but able to prevent the peace being broken at our expense. No cruise in any way approaching it has ever been made by any fleet of any other Power; and the best naval opinion abroad had been that no such feat was possible; that is, that no such cruise as that we actually made could be undertaken by a fleet of such size without innumerable breakdowns and accidents. The success of the cruise, performed as it was without a single accident, immeasurably raised the prestige, not only of our fleet, but of our Nation; and was a distinct help to the cause of international peace.

As regards the Panama Canal, I really think that outside nations have a juster idea than our own people of the magnitude and success of the work. Six years ago last spring the American Government took possession of the Isthmus. The first two years were devoted to the sanitation of the Isthmus, to assembling the plant and working force, and providing quarters, food, and water supplies. In all these points the success was extraordinary. From one of the plague-spots of the globe, one of the most unhealthy regions in the entire world, the Isthmus has been turned into a singularly healthy place of abode. Active excavation on a large scale did not begin until January, 1907. Three years and a half have gone by since then, and three-fifths of the total excavation has already been accomplished. In 1908 and 1909 the monthly average of rock and earth removed was three million cubic yards, notwithstanding the fact that nine months of each year constituted a season of very heavy rainfall; but it is impossible to maintain such a ratio as the depth increases. Still, it is certain that such a rate can be maintained as will enable the workers to finish the excavation considerably in advance of the date fixed for opening the Canal-January 1, 1915. Indeed, I shall be surprised if the Canal cannot be opened six months or even a year in advance of the time set. The work has two great features: The Culebra Cut, which I have been considering, and the great dam at Gatun. The construction of the dam has advanced

sufficiently to convince the engineers in charge of the work of its absolute stability and imperviousness. The engineer in charge has announced that all the concrete in all the locks will be in place two years hence.

This is a stupendous record of achievement. As a people we are rather fond of criticising ourselves, and sometimes with very great justice; but even the most pessimistic critic should sometimes think of what is to our credit. Among our assets of the past ten years will be placed the extraordinary ability, integrity, and success with which we have handled all the problems inherited as the result of the Spanish War; the way we have handled ourselves in the Philippines, in Cuba, in Porto Rico, in San Domingo, and in Panama. The cruise of the battle fleet around the world was a striking proof that we had made good with the navy; and what we have done at Panama represents the accomplishment of one of the great feats of the ages. It is a feat which reflects the highest honor upon our country ; and our gratitude is due to every man who has taken an honorable part in any capacity in bringing it about.

The same qualities that have enabled Americans to conquer the wilderness, and to attempt tasks like the building of the Panama Canal and the sending of the battle fleet around the world, need to be applied now to our future problems; and these qualities, which include the power of self-government, together with the power of joining with others for mutual help, and, what is especially important, the feeling of comradeship, need to be applied in particular to that foremost of National problems, the problem of the preservation of our National resources.

The question has two sides. In the first place, the actual destruction, or, if this is not possible, at any rate the needless waste, of the natural resources must be stopped. In the second place, so far as possible, these resources must be kept for the use of the whole people, and not handed over for exploitation to single individuals or groups of individuals.

The first point I shall not here discuss at length. It is rapidly becoming a wellsettled policy of this people that we of the present generation hold the land in part

as trustees for the next generation, and not exclusively for our own selfish enjoyment. Just as the farmer is a good citizen if he leaves his farm improved and not impaired to his children, and a bad citizen if he cares nothing for his children and skins the land and destroys its value in his own selfish interest; so the Nation behaves well if it treats the soil and the water and the forests as assets which it must turn over to the next generation increased and not impaired in value, and behaves badly if it leaves the land poorer to those who come after us. No farm should be so used that the soil is permitted to depreciate in value; no forest so used as permanently to impair its productivity.

The second part of the question relates to preserving and using our natural resources in the interest of the public as a whole. We do not intend to discourage individual excellence by improperly diminishing the reward for that individual excellence; on the contrary, our desire is to see that the fullest reward is given to the men of exceptional abilities, up to the point when the abilities are used to the detriment of the people as a whole. We favor the sheep man who feeds his sheep on his own range in such manner that the range increases instead of diminishes in value; and we are against the big man who does not live in the country at all, but who sends migratory bands of sheep with a few hired shepherds to wander over it, destroying pasturage and forests, and seriously impairing the value of the country for actual settlers. We are for the liberty of the individual up to, but not beyond, the point where it becomes inconsistent with the welfare of the community as a whole.

Now, to preserve the general welfare, to see to it that the rights of the public are protected, and the liberty of the individual secured and encouraged as long as consistent with this welfare, and curbed when it becomes inconsistent therewith, it is necessary to invoke the aid of the Government. There are points in which this governmental aid can best be rendered by the States; that is, where the exercise of States' rights helps to secure popular rights, and as to these I believe in States' rights. But there are large classes of cases where only the authority of the

National Government will secure the rights of the people, and where this is the case I am a convinced and a thoroughgoing believer in the rights of the National Government. Big business, for instance, is no longer an affair of any one State; big business has become nationalized; and the only effective way of controlling and directing it, and preventing abuses in connection with it, is by having the people nationalize this control in order to prevent their being exploited by the individuals who have nationalized the business. All commerce on a scale sufficiently large to warrant any control over it by Government is nowadays inter-State or foreign commerce; and until this fact is heartily acknowledged, in particular by both courts and legislative bodies, National and State alike, the interest of the people will suffer.

Take the question of the control of the water power sites. The enormous importance of water power sites to the future industrial development of this country has only been realized within a very few years. Unfortunately, the realization has come too late as regards many of the power sites, but many yet remain with which our hands are free to deal. We should make it our duty to see that hereafter the power sites are kept under the control of the general Government for the use of the people as a whole. The fee should remain with the people as a whole, while the use is leased on terms which will secure an ample reward to the lessees, which will encourage the development and use of the water power, but which will not create a permanent monopoly or permit the development to be anti-social, to be in any respect hostile to the public good.

In this country, nowadays, capital has a National and not a State use. The great corporations which are managed and largely owned in the older States are those which are most in evidence in developing and using the mines and water powers and forests of the new Territories and new States, from Alaska to Arizona. I have been genuinely amused during the past two months at having arguments presented to me on behalf of certain rich men from New York and Ohio, for instance, as to why Colorado and other Rocky Mountain States should manage their own water power sites. Now I am