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STUDY of the figures in the accompanying table (on pages 24 and 25) leads to some amazing conclusions. While the returns from The Outlook's poll on the Platforms of the People represent now all sections of the country, they do not differ materially from even the earliest returns, which were from residents of the Eastern States solely. With similar ideas and opinions prevailing in early returns and late returns and in the reports from various sections, we may conclude that it is not necessary to send out a vast number of ballots indiscriminately in order to gauge public thought. What is necessary is to provide a ballot that allows for free choice among a wide range of subjects and to see that the ballots are widely and evenly distributed. When that is done, as has been done in this case, a comparatively small vote seems to bring the same results broadly that a large vote does. The markings on the various issues are everywhere so consistent that they indicate the existence of a prevailing public opinion common to the whole country, at least among intelligent and thoughtful voters. If this conclusion is correct, then the table is full of surprises.

Consider the question of preparedness, for example. Since the Armistice there has been an immense amount written and publicly spoken in support of peace as an end in itself. Peace propaganda has almost become a profession. Most of the organized publicity on behalf of the churches has included agitation, not only against war as an institution, but against the thought of war under any circumstances. Clubs, bureaus, agencies of various kinds, are devoting themselves to spreading the idea that war can be abolished by the simple expedient of abolishing all preparations for war. What is the result? The people voting in The Outlook's poll are certainly representative of the best in their several communities. They show few, if any, signs of pacifism. The farmer in the Central Agricultural Section votes with the merchants on the Atlantic and Pacific seaboards for the extension of the Navy up to the standards set by the Naval Armament Treaty. With them he would expand the Air Service and develop the air mail. He would, as they would, strengthen the Monroe Doctrine, in which a threat of war is implicit.

More than three-fourths of the men and women marking the ballot have indorsed all preparedness measures as planks in their party platforms. Contrary opinion is practically negligible.

Consider next the possibility of a third-party movement. At first glance, At first glance, returns from the Central Agricultural States seem to indicate a substantial sentiment favoring a third party; yet on closer examination one finds that such is not necessarily the case. So far as issues are concerned, the third-party advocates are in general accord with the Republicans and Democrats. Party lines do not appear to be closely drawn. Naturally, therefore, third-party sentiment seems to be lost in the consideration of the various issues. It is surprising how many Republicans, Democrats, and Independents agree on all the questions. Party divisions appear to be based, not on any political issues, but on something else--it may be on the personality of party leaders or candidates, or on tradition, but certainly not on anything that can be incorporated in a series of platform planks.

If the Central Agricultural Section develops third-party tendencies in the next few weeks, it will be due to dissatisfaction not with the Administration so much as with Congress. Indeed, the large majority of Independents in the Central Agricultural, Mountain, and Pacific Sections seem to be supporters of President Coolidge. There is evidence of reaction against what voters without regard to party regard as gossip, claptrap, and scandalmongering. Most of the criticism accompanying the ballots is leveled at Congress.

The ballots indicate that the people are better prepared to sift real issues out of the political screen than demagogues like to believe. This can be said even though due allowance be made for the fact that the people who have taken the thought and time to make out these ballots are exceptional in intelligence. Politicians should bear in mind that these are the people who by their intelligence lead and guide the public opinion of their several communities. For example, the general and widespread indorsement of the Mellon tax reduction plan is noteworthy. One would expect Republican opposition to it to be nil; but the Democrats had an opportunity to vote against

it and to support instead the official Democratic plan as embodied in the Garner Bill, and the Independents had free choice between the Mellon and the Garner plans. When, therefore, a majority of the Democrats and of the Independents as well as of the Republicans record themselves as in favor of the Mellon plan, we must believe that the voters are exercising their right to judge for themselves. Wherever foot-notes on the ballots deal with the reduction of taxes, they credit Secretary Mellon with having designed a sensible, scientific system for removing part of a disagreeable burden from the shoulders of the majority.

If nothing else portrayed the solidarity of thought among the people in all sections, the vote on immigration questions would serve the purpose. Note the marked change in public sentiment within the lifetime of the present generation. When the average voter was in school, he was taught that America was the land of the free, a haven of refuge for the oppressed peoples of other countries. He grew up in the belief that part of this country's destiny lay in welcoming to its shores all who cared to come. Hardly more than a generation ago aliens stumbled into this country almost as freely as one moves about between American cities. Now there is no section, no political party, that supports the opendoor immigration policy. Opposition to it on every side is clearly defined. Few persons ignore the question; the great majority recognize it as an issue. Threefourths of the voters are positively in B favor of restriction.

Another fact of significance evident from the markings on the Immigration Section of the ballot is that the demand for restriction is accompanied with a large sense of responsibility toward the welfare of the immigrants themselves. In the old days, when immigrants came in freely they were the prey of thieves and sharpers. Much maligned Ellis Island was later provided to serve not merely as a place of inspection and rejection but as a place of protection as well. Now public sentiment, as indicated on these ballots, is overwhelmingly in favor of the inspection of immigrants before they cross the ocean. Behind this sentiment is undoubtedly the desire to save the ineligible the hardships of a

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futile voyage and a heart-breaking return. It is interesting to note that with a keener conscience for the welfare of the country there has grown also a keener conscience for the welfare of the people who seek to come here.

The two important questions of nationalization, that of the railways and the coal mines, are not considered similar in any respect. In half the instances where nationalization of the coal mines is indorsed similar action with regard to the railways is condemned. While half the women in the Central and Mountain Sections favor nationalization of both, the men condemn such action with the roads even while indorsing it for the mines. Why? Is it because the men have been convinced that public ownership of the mines would eliminate coal strikes, and yet feel that the railways may be better managed under the voluntary consolidation plan, which is generally favored? Even the railway employees returning ballots fail to indorse railway nationalization.

The farmers throughout the country are generally against nationalization and further Federal supervision. Returns from the "farm bloc" area do not indicate any large sentiment favorable to the agricultural relief measures as outlined. In the Central Sections they are about equally divided on the question of compulsory freight rate reduction. Thirdparty advocates and other independents are not inclined toward compulsion on any issue, except in the case of prohibition.

According to the returns, in which few ignore the question, prohibition will be an important local issue during the campaign. It will be a question of law enforcement. There is no section of the country where rigid enforcement is not favored, while a change in the law is opposed almost as vigorously.

The Foster resolution for a Constitutional amendment empowering Congress to ban child labor passed the House late in April. It proposes, of course, to put the question before the States for ratification. If The Outlook's poll is an indication of majority opinion, the amendment will be considered favorably, eighty-three per cent of the returns having indorsed the policy.

That subject, like many others, has led people to study questions toward which they had devoted little thought before this inquiry. Letters are received explaining that the writers have spent an hour or two trying to mark their ballots intelligently, and then have postponed the task until they could inform themselves in detail. For that reason, too, many of the issues have been ignored. The Esch-Cummins Act is an instance