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conquests; and his energetic mind had given that heroic impulse to British soldiers and sailors, which rendered every attempt successful. I cannot, however, but regret his having involved us in the German war. His coalition with the Duke of Newcastle in 1757, had another bad consequence; it occasioned him to be considered, at Leicester House, as having abandoned the principles of their party; and, perhaps, by this, he lost the confidence of the young King, who seems to have been educated by his mother in those political principles which had prevailed at Leicester House, during the life of her husband.

I have said, that on the accession of George III. the two objects on which he' seemed most intent, were, the breaking the Pelham confederacy, and the terminating the German war. I believe I am correct in this assertion; but it may be proper to point out the circumstances by which the young King was probably induced to form these wishes.

Sir Robert Walpole was compelled to

resign the situation of Prime Minister in February 1742. His fall from power was the result of the efforts of a party, at the head of which appeared Frederick Prince of Wales. By the decision of the Chippenham election, Sir Robert Walpole lost that majority in Parliament by which he had for so many years been supported. Much money had been expended by the party to break down his superiority in the House of Commons, more particularly by the Prince of Wales. I will not stop at this place to examine the merits or demerits of Sir Robert Walpole during the twenty years that he was minister; nor shall I state the various circumstances which prevented any benefit being obtained for the country on the fall of the obnoxious minister. But I wish to remark, that, during the latter years of Sir Robert Walpole's administration, two points had been much discussed at Leicester House; and finally resolved on, as the principles by which the future conduct of the party was to be regulated. The first was, that the distinction of Whig and Tory should be abolished, and employments conferred indiscriminately on

men of either party. The second was, that the interest of England should no longer be sacrificed to the continental views of the elector of Hanover.

At the accession of George I., he was surrounded by those who called themselves Whigs; and not only gave himself up to their guidance in his political concerns, but injudiciously adopted their resentments against the Tories. This monarch was very little acquainted with the state of England. He knew that Queen Anne would have preferred her brother to have been her successor; and perhaps suspected, that the Queen's ministers had some disposition to gratify her Majesty in this wish. By placing himself wholly under the guidance of the Whigs, he became, in fact, the Sovereign only of a portion of the people, and all who were denominated Tories were proscribed. The Tory party at that time, comprized the greater part of the landed interest, and a large proportion of those who were of the established Church; for the violence of the Whig party had included under the denomination of Tories, all who were the oppo

nents of their views.

As George II. continued his father's minister Sir Robert Walpole, in his service, the same proscription of the Tories was persevered in. The mischievous consequences of this policy were strongly felt; and the Opposition, which assembled at Leicester House, and acted under the guidance of the Prince of Wales, adopted as a fundamental principle of their party, that this distinction should be put an end to, and that Whigs and Tories should be indiscriminately employed. They called this establishing a broad bottomed administration.

The second point resolved on by the Opposition assembled at Leicester House, was, that the interests of England should no longer be sacrificed to George II.'s continental views, as Elector of Hanover. It may seem surprizing, that Frederick Prince of Wales, who was himself by birth a German, and heir apparent to the electorate of Hanover, should have consented to this resolution; but his resentment against his father got the better of every other consideration; and this resolution, that the

interests of England should no longer be sacrificed to continental connexions, was adopted as another leading principle on which the party was to act.

Early in the year 1761, a pamphlet was published under the influence of Leicester House; its title was, "Considerations on the German War." Its author, Mr. Israel Manduit, was paid for this work with a pension of 2007. a year for his life; and it was not concealed, that the pamphlet was published with the approbation of men who were in power. So many years have elapsed since I saw this pamphlet, that I cannot now speak to its merits; but the author was certainly right in the position which he endeavoured to establish; viz. " that it was not for the interest of England to persevere in the German War." At the close of the year 1761, France had lost all her possessions on the continent of North America; the whole of her influence in the East Indies; and nearly all her possessions on the coast of Africa, and in the West Indies, except Martinico and St. Domingo, which latter island it certainly would not have

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