is a monstrous product; its mentality is anti-historic, antirealistic." So exclaims "Il Lavoro d'Italia," reflecting Fascist opinion concerning the League of Nations. paper proceeds thus:

The

If the League did not exist, a number of local questions would not have world-wide repercussion, with the resulting excitement of a feeling of imminent danger for the tranquillity of peoples.

Listen as well to another Italian journal, "Il Resto del Carlino:"

After seven years of existence, this institution-which should be universal-is still in the throes of constitutional crises and is losing its members, one after another. What is worse, its primitive spirit is being denatured. It was useless to create a League of Nations if the decisions such an institution ought to take give rise to bargaining and are settled by the two or three nations which are in a position to make their own reasons or their own force felt.

In opposition to the above, two opinions also come from Italy. The first is from "Il Lavoro" (Work), very different from "Il Lavoro d'Italia." It declares:

The League of Nations is the noblest and boldest attempt in the history of humanity to bring about the free union of the world. Its advance is naturally slow and uncertain. But And more cannot be asked of it. every one is bound to contribute his mite to the common stock. Also "Il Mondo" (The World):

In realizing its aim it is useless to try to ignore the obstacles the League will have to overcome. They are numerous and complex. But the end justifies all the labor and the effort. The social idea will triumph, for both moral and material elements combine to insure its success.

Now Fascism hates parliaments. The League is a parliament. Hence Fascism scoffs at it.

Moreover, the Fascist Dictator's ambitions concerning "a number of local questions" (for "local" read "Mediterranean") may possibly bring him into somewhat strained relations with a few League member states.

The Outlook's Editor in Europe

tive body of the League. One way to check any undue influence by two or three member states would seem to be to increase the whole membership.

Such an enlargement should prove a distinct benefit, because

(1) It would take into greater account existing world conditions and adapt thereto its efficiency.

(2) It would afford greater opportunity for the expression of opinion.

(3) In particular, it would give to Poland her much-needed chance for influence. She is certain to be drawn into serious boundary complications, and, having up to the present no representation on the Council, should have as permanent representation as is possible to give to a state not yet a Great Power.

(4) The enlargement would increase the authority of the smaller states.

(5) Finally, it would make easier the plans of rotation and of geographical representation.

OF

Objections

course the increase of a small, compact body of eight members to ten in 1922 and now, in 1926, to fourteen provokes the inevitable comment that it is going to be a case of quantity versus quality. But when I asked Dr. Zimmern, the well-known well-known publicist, whether the Council might not ultimately be increased to sixteen, he said he saw no objection.

Others, however, were not of this opinion-Dr. Nansen, for instance. His opposition the other day in the Assembly was so vehement that afterwards I said to one of the Norwegians, "Your First Delegate enlivened things a bit today, didn't he?"

"Well, you see, he wanted to check up any possible deviltry," was the reply.

"Deviltry" was putting it strong. The Council's expansion can, of course, be regarded as an attempt by the Great Powers to play up smaller Powers as pawns. The Norwegian, Swedish, and Dutch delegates, however, formally protested from the platform against the proposed plan only on the following grounds:

it would constitute a dangerous precedent-in fact, Jonkheer Louden allowed that he would like to go back to the original number of four, even though that might mean Holland's permanent exclusion from such membership.

Nevertheless each of these men admitted that the crisis could not be met except by accepting expansion, and so reluctantly voted for it, thus making the action unanimous.

During their speeches I noted applause from the delegates of some smaller Powers, like Luxemburg, Latvia, Paraguay, Salvador, thus indicating considerable sympathy for the minority view. The The great point in the protesters' speeches was the fact that most of the members of the Assembly had had no chance to make themselves officially heard on the subject until that very day. That there were not more protesters at the end was doubtless due to their realization that no protest would avail against the steam-roller.

Thus the majority opinion ruled completely, and the Council's efficiency should be increased by its victory.

66

N

• Vive La Pologne, Monsieur' the afternoon of the election the new Council held its opening sessien. It was the forty-second in the history of the Council of the League.

In my opinion, the occasion was extremely important and significant, not so much because of Germany's entrance as because she had been obliged to acquiesce in the creation of new, nonpermanent seats, along with the creation of her own permanent seat. Such a result was chiefly due to the genius and persistence of Aristide Briand.

(2) The Council would be too unwieldy for close discussion.

(3) It could not be summoned with as much chance of speedy meeting as could a small Council.

(4) Like the increase of non-permanent members from four to six in 1922,

seen that, on her side, Poland was increasingly anxious to become a permanent member and, on the German side, a change of opinion was feared which might make the hoped-for combination impossible.

To meet this, Lord Cecil developed a plan for a three-year term for all non

permanent members and, though they would not be re-eligible for three years after their period of office, to create semi-permanent members by a twothirds Assembly vote declaring not over three non-permanents re-eligible.

As to the rest, a still bolder plan was developed to make one blanket Assembly vote cover, first, Germany's admission to the League and to the League Council and, second, the election of the Council non-permanent members. Thus the whole difficulty would be solved at one fell swoop.

It was. As, in view of the fiasco last March, the vote for Germany's admission had to be taken as soon as possible,

This afternoon, at the Council table, I saw Poland take her place as member state at the moment when Germany took her own.

Thus was settled, far more brilliantly and impressively than was at first anticipated, the conflict begun nearly a year ago as to Poland's admission.

As might be expected, however, the German Nationalists form a notable exception to the well-nigh universal satisfaction. They are furious. The "Deutsche Tageszeitung," their leading organ, does not hesitate savagely to attack the Government; "to our grave

Conclusion

PRINCE ARFA, the First Persian Dele

gate, summed up the new aspect of things, as he said to us this afternoon: "We now have to divide League members into four categories. The aristocracy includes, of course, the permanent members in the Council. The nobility numbers the semi-permanent, those reeligible. The bourgeoisie means the nonpermanent. And the proletariat covers those having no Council seats at all." Geneva, September 10, 1926.

L

AST April a curt message was handed to General Chang Hsuehliang, the youthful commander of the Manchurian forces now occupying the capital of China. It came from his father, Marshal Chang Tso-lin, and indicated in unmistakable terms that he would not be disappointed if Monsieur Karakhan were ejected from Peking. Recently the word has come that Karakhan has gone; whether because a higher office awaits him in Moscow or because the pressure of unpopularity was becoming too strong is left in doubt.

Now Karakhan was the first Ambassador of any country to China, and represented in his person for four years the growing power and prestige of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. When Russia failed in 1921 at the international conference at Genoa, she became convinced that her eyes must turn eastward toward the Orient and away from Europe for a time, or else lose out altogether in international affairs. To this end she picked two of her cleverest envoys, first Joffe and then Karakhan, and despatched them in turn to Peking. Marshal Chang's demand, therefore, challenged the existence of official Soviet influence in the twenty-one provinces.

In order to understand this situation, it is necessary to inquire into the high points of Russia's relations with China. The two countries hold in common a frontier that is comparable in length and latitude only with the United StatesCanadian border. But a vastly different spirit governs the relationships between

the two states; and the intervening areas, Mongolia and Manchuria, at no distant period a part of the Chinese Empire, and now to a considerable extent divorced from the Republic which succeeded the Empire, present both a problem and a field for aggression like nothing to be found on the American continent.

porarily into the paws of the great European and Asiatic bear. But why should England, with her Atlas burden, have been willing to play sentinel for China? She assumed it in no pious mood. Britain was herself encroaching on China's sovereignty throughout the great valley of the Yangtze River, and penetration of the entire north of China by Russia meant for her an inevitable conflict for

often been painted. Russia had her first fight with China in the 1680's, and was beaten. That was in Siberia. By the middle of the nineteenth century she had pushed her nose forward a few more hundred versts. By 1902 she had belted the entire continent with a railway, ending at Vladivostok, on the Pacific, and had a very important branch line running through Manchuria to the tip end of the Liaotung Peninsula. She was also stalking ghostlike into Korea, and spreading down into Mongolia. Siberia she owned. She had a twenty-five-year lease over southern Manchuria.

China was terrified. So was Japan. China appealed to Great Britain, and gave her a fishing village with a port, Weihaiwei, on her own coast, where from time to time she might anchor her Pacific fleet gunboats, and once in a while take a cruise over to Port Arthur and see how things were getting along. Germany too had a port near by, Tsingtao, but it didn't bother her very much what Russia did, as she and France had helped Russia in this deal, whereby the rich warm-water peninsula fell tem

These were the days of enormous steals. Africa's multicolored map to-day proves that. China was another wide-open piece of canvas, and half the countries of Europe stood ready with their paintbrushes waiting for the grand order to rush in and daub.

Poor little Japan! She hardly kept herself in the picture those days. After her war with China in 1894 she had fallen heir to the Pescadores and to Formosa. She had also assumed charge over Korea and the Liaotung Peninsula. Her day seemed begun, for she was on the mainland with the rest. Then came that polite but forceful suggestion that she withdraw from the Liaotung. was a bitter pill; but she was almost alone in the world, she was weakened in man power, materials, and money by her recent fight, and the doctor who administered the pill was backed by Russia, Germany, and France; so she bit her lips and swallowed it. And then what happened? what happened? The severest blow of all. Russia took over the peninsula, and began her stealthy march into Ko

rea.

I have said that Japan was almost alone in the world. She had one friend, made in a curious way. When her war with China was over, she came forward with the time-honored demand for indemnity; and when she let go of Port Arthur and Dalny, for still more indemnity. China paid, and the money was deposited, not in the Government vaults in Tokyo, but in the distant Bank of England. Ever since Japan has kept up a more or less formal friendship with Great Britain, and incidentally a limping gold standard. High-sounding words have often fallen during the last thirty years from the lips of both British and Japanese statesmen about mutual esteem and brotherly helpfulness, but both the Privy Council and Elder Statesmen know, as do you and I, that behind that smiling and affectionate front lay some very sufficient reasons for an occasional valentine.

A spicy event occurred in 1900. Strangely enough, for all their mutual distrust, a rebellion to drive out all foreigners from North China pulled Great Britain and France, the United States and Germany, Russia and Japan together. The allied armies, only a few thousand men all told, met at Tientsin, defeated the Boxer and Imperialist troops, and started together for Peking. They reached Tungchow, fourteen miles from the walls of Peking, and there agreed on a united plan of attack on the capital the following day. They were to start at the same hour from their bivouac at Tungchow, then deploy after winning their way to the city gates.

The British and American commanders must have been very much annoyed when they woke up at dawn the next day. For they found both the Russians and Japanese gone. They had not been without suspicion of these two groups all the way along. Russia would obviously want to seize this beautiful summer morning to start in and paint all North China her particular cartographic color. Japan might try to do Japan might try to do the same. But the British and American artists had trustingly rolled into bed, under the very shadow of the Dragon Throne, and let their shifty comrades in arms slip one over on them. But Russia was not quite successful. She had dashed forward under cover of the night in the hope that she might surround the Imperial palace and force either Kwang Hsü or the Empress Dowager into a special agreement with her.

The wakeful Japanese followed fast on her heels. The Russians arrived first at Peking, broke through the northeastern gate, and rushed to the Forbidden City-to find that the Manchu house had vanished. Japan was a bit

Siberia, Manchuria, Mongolia, Korea, North China, and, I doubt not, Chinese Turkestan, Tibet, Persia, Afghanistan, and as much of the Near East as rival nations would allow.

In 1904-5 Japan gave her a body blow and stripped her of Korea and South Manchuria. In 1918 she gave her another, when, with the unwilling acquiescence of the United States, she took nominal charge of Siberia from Sakhalin to Lake Baikal. That was in the days of Russia's greatest weakness. Beaten by Germany, completely disordered within, she almost lost her place in the sun. But within four years she had made Japan retire even from Vladivostok, which was beginning to look like a splotch of the Rising Sun. She had a clever envoy, Joffe, in Peking pleading her case, a man who played a losing battle with C. T. Wang and Wellington Koo, diplomats, but who made a startlingly successful hit with the students and teachers. Besides that he easily won over Sun Yat-sen, that marvelously impractical idealist who died last spring, while his agents, Borodin and the rest, mounted guard over the thoughts and actions of large sections of various mushroom labor organizations from Shanghai and Hankow to Canton. So,

despite Koo's and Wang's deliberate caution and evident skepticisms regarding the Soviets' good faith, they found themselves pushed from behind by an extremely articulate section of their own people. To a certain extent also they needed Russia's influence to counteract the wiles of Japan and other foreign Powers, which were pushing them a little too fast. China needs a friend, as every country does. Despite the protestations and a few very friendly acts of this country, she could not even count on the United States, which had let her down. in the matter of immigration, of loans, and (at one time) of Shantung. Therefore, his country practically friendless, Koo finally, on May 31, 1924, signed a treaty with Russia, the one modern nation which seemed to be treating China on a basis of equality.

I

SAY "seemed." Why? All other treaty Powers have extra-territorial rights in China; Russia relinquished hers in 1919. Many other countries have concessions of land in the most important ports. Russia gave hers up in 1919. All other countries had gained special privileges for their religious propagandists. Roman Catholic and Protestant missionaries from Europe and North America, Buddhist priests from Japan, had, together with many personal liberties, the right to hold land in perpetuity for their churches and temples an occasionally abused privilege, the memory of which still stings certain national extremists in China to fury. Russia, too, had had her Greek Catholic missions in China in the good old ante-bellum days. But after the war the revulsion of feeling among the people in Russia against the state Church and religion in general affected her foreign politics as well, and Karakhan with a stroke of the pen renounced for his country all religious "rights" and lands formerly held in the name of the Holy Synod.

Yes, in many apparent ways Russia seemed like a real friend, putting herself on a basis of complete equality with a nation which every other Power has taken occasion to bully and to punish.

Perhaps you think I am overstating the case, if not for Europe and Japan, at least for the United States. But the history of the last few years provides many incidents to show that I am not. A thug in this country pulls a gun on a chop-suey proprietor and runs away with the swag, and there appears a twoinch item about it in the thirteenth page of the metropolitan paper the next morning. Robert Coltman gets a bullet in his body for disobeying the order of a Chinese general who suspected him of smug

gling bullion through Kalgan to Urga, and what happens? The demand by The demand by our State Department for a large indemnity and a formal apology from the Chinese Government, insistence on the dismissal of the officer in command at Kalgan, front-page headlines in the foreign-language press in China, and considerable space in the press of this country; finally, and most uncalled for of all, a paragraph about it in Secretary of State Hughes's speech written for a large and friendly gathering of Chinese and Americans congregated for a love feast. in a banqueting hall in New York City. With this and much more for background, China took a long chance. She had Russia's protestations of friendship; she had recovered much valuable property at such commercial centers as Hankow and Tientsin (beautiful, well-developed river frontage!); she had recovered much more in "face;" and she had the technical right to withhold from Russia all of the large indemnity, payable year by year until 1942, which Russia had exacted after the Boxer fiasco. But, on the other side of the picture, she saw a Russia which, battered and beaten to a standstill in 1919, was willing then to renounce all her special rights in China, even in respect to the above-mentioned Boxer indemnity and the Chinese Eastern Railway-the line running down into Manchuria from Siberia, which had cost her eight hundred million rubles in the

be, require a similar corner of the globe exactly as exactly as much as the imperialist statesmen under the Czars. Else Russia and her people are dependent on the good will of other nations for an uninterrupted flow of imports and exports.

Russia's interference in Mongolia was another element to give China pause. Mongolia belonged to China. The old Czarist régime long ago acknowledged China's suzerainty over this buffer state. But the smooth-speaking Soviets, who say that they hate "unequal treaties," who denounce imperialism, who take every opportunity, however small, to point the finger of scorn at every other nation which has made inroads in China's sovereign rights, lost no time China's sovereign rights, lost no time (1921) in winning their way to Urga, and now hold unblushing sway over that vast but thinly populated state, China's solemn protests notwithstanding.

I have already anticipated what China did. She signed a treaty with Russia. This practically acknowledged Mongolia's independence; accepted Russia's "gift" of the indemnity money, the Soviets stipulating that it should be used exclusively for educational purposes; and agreed that the Chinese Eastern Railway should run, as it had before the war, under the dual management of Russia and China. It was a good deal to pay for a friend.

four years later, saw the very envoy who made this astonishing renunciation for the Government at Moscow deny in Peking that he had ever said anything about either indemnity or railway in his famous declarations of 1919 and 1920.

He even produced garbled (so-called official) copies of them in which these two important items were not included! Yet China knew that he was telling a lie. A Soviet paper in Vladivostok, in more truthful vein, agreed that the statements had been made, but said that the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics could not be held to them, because China had never taken the gift and made it binding by formal Government acknowledgment or treaty! Was this another "scrap of paper"? History will probably say so. Governments have a way of repudiating what they say in their moments of weakness when they feel the muscles in their biceps getting back into shape. Of course it was an almost incredible renunciation, even in 1919, for the corner-stone of Russia's foreign policy for over a century had been to seek a warm-water port and hold it at all costs. The Soviets, however different their other platforms may

curred which indicated the amount of friendliness which has been engendered since May, 1924. The Russian director of the Chinese Eastern Railway, becoming increasingly annoyed at certain liberties which Chang Tso-lin's troops were taking such as riding free on the line, etc.-on his own initiative ordered the suspension of traffic. He took no counsel with the Board of Directors of the railway, which includes a Chinese co-director and other native officials, in

decreeing this arbitrary action. The

Chinese commander of the military guards of the railway immediately flung him into prison. Tchitcherin, Soviet Commissar for Foreign Affairs in distant Moscow, promptly telegraphed to Ambassador Karakhan in Peking, demanding the instant release of M. Ivanoff and

the restoration of normal conditions on the Chinese Eastern Railway. Three days were given for the carrying out of these actions. If at the end of that time the Chinese had failed to comply,

the Soviet Government has to ask the Chinese Government to allow the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to secure the fulfillment of the agreement and to protect mutual interests of China and the Soviet Union on the

Chinese Eastern Railway by its own

means.

Friends don't speak in ultimatums. The Chinese know that. The vernacular press showed its teeth in emphatic and unanimous condemnation of Russia in connection with the whole affair. "The threat," they said, "to send Russian troops into the railway zone completely gives the lie to Russia's pretenses of friendliness for us. The other Powers, bullies though they may be, have not for years taken anything like similar action even though their interests in other railways have been seriously interfered with by the militarists." (The Taku Bar incident of the middle of March, with the subsequent forty-four-hour ultimatum to China by Japan, the United States, and six European Powers had not occurred then.)

Even the students, stanchest friends. of the Soviet, the Red authorities at Canton, and the leaders of the Kuominchun (the now defeated army which during the last twelve months has received arms and ammunition from the Russians through Mongolia) showed their disillusionment, and the Chinese press for the first fortnight in February was hot with repudiations of Bolshevism. Denials by certain labor leaders that they were in any way Communistic or under Soviet influence became the order of the day. Mr. George Hsü, once Minister of Justice, who has been one of the loudest talkers against "imperialism" and for a "people's government," took occasion in a public utterance at this time to say that the system he favored for the Government of China was taken from Switzerland, and not from Russia. And in the editorials of the native jourrals there issued a phrase which will cost Russia mightily in prestige and popular favor in China-the phrase of "Soviet imperialism."

No

his

wonder, then, that Marshal Chang

Tso-lin, as soon as he could, sent in ultimatum in turn. He was paying Karakhan back in kind, brutally, but as an ex-bandit might be expected to treat one who has insulted him., To Chang the ousting of Russian influence in Manchuria means everything: increased power, enormously increased wealth, and but one nation to be seriously bothered by-Japan. With her he'll have to step softly. For he probably owes his life to Japan; and besides his life, Tokyo and he only know how many loans and other helps by the way. China in the large will be behind him in this, for China's growing nationalist spirit, which once directed itself against all foreign nations except the Soviet, now sees that

Russia is quite as evil in her intent as Britain and Japan have been at their worst. Japan will be delighted; while English business men will heave a huge sigh of relief in their counting-houses and clubs, for they blame the Soviets more than any one else for their almost incalculable losses both in China and India-in finance, commerce, and good

will.

But the game is not played out yet. Russia will remain a very large factor in Chinese affairs, whether Chang wills it or no. And no problem is made simpler

in China merely by the elimination of a man or two. Yuan Shih-kai lopped off a number of heads on his way to the monarchy, but still had to relinquish the crown. Sun Yat-sen is no more, but the British are nearer to war with Canton now than they ever were during his régime. Marshal Feng Yu-hsiang is studying industrial enterprises in Germany, dressed in his mufti, but his Kuominchun are still holding the line at Hwailai, a score of miles from Peking. It will be interesting to watch Russia's next move, and see whether a diplomat

is appointed who will try to stir the caldron as Karakhan stirred it, and make matters just a little worse for Great Britain, Japan, and the United States, and incidentally for the Soviets. Or whether there will come a change in program, a smothering of the propagandist pother, and an endeavor to settle down to peace with China and with the diplomatic corps at Peking. The latter is unquestionably the one most likely to work for the advantage of the Union. It will be a gesture of good faith, felt all the world around.

A

MONG the lower-class detective agencies there is a growing tendency to include in their corporate names the words "Federal" and "United States."

Ostensibly they set up in business as private agencies hiring out their men for the purpose of making legitimate investigations. In reality, they have adopted titles similar to those borne by the official Government agencies in order to fool those upon whom they prey for bribes.

For example: John Doe will be operating a saloon in criminal violation of the Volstead Act. The "low-lifes" of the community soon know which places are selling bootleg stuff. If they did not

brother "low-lifes" and learn which places are selling booze. They enter John Doe's place and, after buying drinks, flash their bogus badges and inform John that they have the evidence on him. John, having visions of a padlocked door, is quick to catch the hint that if he produces $250 in quick cash the agents will see to it that no report is turned in. Agents A and B pocket their half-hour's profits and proceed to the next customer. The field is large and fertile. They know perfectly well that there are many saps and foreigners who will not be wise enough to see through their game.

know, John would have no trade. He is CH

outside the law-and knows it-but he has his eye on the fat weekly bank deposit. As long as he is unmolested by Federal officers, he can continue his dissolute business.

That he should be investigated and

attacked is agreed; but not by investigators such as those employed by, let us say, The United States Secret Service, Inc. Notice the "Inc." John Doe will never be given a chance to notice it. Those three little letters "Inc." mark it as a private detective agency and not our country's official secret service. The "Inc." appears in an inconspicuous position on the cards of this concern. It is on the badges of their agents but is conveniently placed on a lower flap, which is usually tarnished or worn down so as to be illegible. Another type of counterfeit shield used is reproduced on the cover of this issue.

The badger game works as follows: Agents A and B, representing the agency which for illustrative purposes I have called "The United States Secret Service, Inc.," snoop about among their

HEATING cheaters? Yes. But this hold-up and others of a like nature, which I shall explain next week, are worked on the innocent as well as the guilty. Many foreigners in the restaurant and soft-drink business, even

State Comptrollers and Secretaries of State should wake up and take immediate steps to prevent the promiscuous use of the words "United States" and "Federal." Heads of our country's Secret Service and of the Prohibition Enforcement Unit should themselves show up these vultures in human form who are masquerading in their names. Wets and Drys both can unite in stamping out this evil. Let us have action-and plenty of it!

John Doe can't make a formal complaint because he himself is outside the law. The innocent victims are usually too frightened or too ignorant of our ways to come out in open battle. But our regularly appointed Federal and State investigators with all their resources can, in a very short time, track these people down.

Prohibition Law, are frightened into payments by the threats of these men whom they suppose to be all-powerful Government officials. And in every one of these infamous shake-downs the good name of the regular Government force is besmirched. The victims always believe that they have been forced to pay United States officers for the privilege of violating the laws of the United States.

In the words of the popular cartoon, "Is diss a biznis? I esk you."

To my mind it is as scurvy a piece of knavery as I have come across in all my career as an investigator.

These agencies are a menace to society and to our country's honor. But the States allow them to incorporate, to flaunt their signs openly, and to conduct what appears on the surface to be a legalized business.

own discloses some of the methods of two private detective agencies operating in the State of New Jersey.

On the front of a building known as 71 Broad Street, Red Bank, New Jersey, hangs a large sign reading