Obrázky na stránke
PDF
ePub

spirit." The saying has an Aristophanic ring, but the King's method of dealing with their argument is of considerable historical importance. The statement as to subscription he describes as "a fyne cloake for apostacie & hypocrisie, & a goode excuse for all recusant papists that come to churche for feare of the lawe." Evidently he had some doubt as to the efficacy of the measures taken against the Recusants. But his other note is even more remarkable: "the protestant partie can not but languishe indeid quhen as her bowellis are so gnawin by her owin viperouse & ungratiouse broode, so as having a strong forraine adversaire on the one syde, she is on the other pairte never at reste within her owin doores." "The romishe churche triumphis indeid of oure inwarde iarris onlie bredde by you." And his conclusion was the highly unpalatable one to the ministers that, "Youre factiouse behavioure giveth indeid an excellent relish & advantage to the papistes, and thairfore all suche factiouse people muste be weadit out of the lande."

This was indeed repaying them in their own coin, but more was to follow. The writers warn him of the consequences of the "defect of Toleration," as "a meane to abridge your Ma. in the number of your serviceable and faithfull Subiects," and they add that if conformity is rigorously enforced "the holdes and prisons alreadie designed within this Realme to the personal restraint of delinquents, though

[ocr errors]

skarre

they were for number doubled or trebled, yet would not be capable of so great a multitude as should be sentenced therunto." "A brave threatening,' is James's answer, as he tells them plainly that "braggis of youre multitudis are crowis & buggis for children : if ye be manie evill enclyned the more neede you have to be suppressed." "Sundrie your High[ness] Subjects have actually quitted the Realme," to which he replies: "Dyverse of youre secte indeid quyd the rowme & become brownists & anabaptists, quiche is but the hyest steppe of your profession."

It is clear that the ministers misjudged entirely the reasons of the King's attitude and policy. It was useless to speak to him of Romanism in the Church of England. He knew, no man better, their suspicions to be groundless, and he knew also that in the Episcopal organisation he had a very effective method of government, whereas on the other hand, as he sarcastically remarks, "indeid a confused gouvernement by paritie can noe but well sute with a monarchie." Bancroft indeed did not believe that there was nothing which called for reform in the Church of England, as his circular letter to the bishops in the following year shows, but the defects did not lie in what James calls a "false imputation upon oure churche of following romaine traditions." It was useless again, so far as James was concerned, to urge that the law was upon the

side of the petitioners. "The liberty to worship after the State," they said, "doth not scriptural pattern, for "80 impose the use of the cere- doeth oure churche, but quhy monies as a Statute prefixed will ye followe the manners to the booke of common of straingers & not obeye Prayer and Preface of Cere- youre owin churche, in quhose monies, but but doeth tolerate bossome ye waire bredde?" them for the time. Secondly, If, on the other hand, they the Statute 13. Elizab. requir- could not be contented, but eth Subscription so farre as felt bound to urge the sorrow concerneth the doctrine of with which the condition of Faith and Sacraments only: affairs in England is regarded which who refuseth?" The by "the reformed Churches, King was convinced rightly or namely those who have purged wrongly of the contrary, and the Lords publique worship tells them that "that lawe is from the pollutions of Antiso interpretid onlie by youre christ in farre greater measure puritane lawiers of the lower then wee have done," then house," adding that "ye per- from his point of view it was verte the lawis as ye do the natural and reasonable to inskriptures" when they impeach quire: "If ye haue so great a the proceedings of the ecclesi- mynde to forraine churchis, asticall courts. "I am not," quhy staye ye heere, goe in he says, "to learne axiomes of goddis name & make youre state from suche fellowes," and selfis members of that boddie so far as they objected to the quhiche ye so much affecte." Bishops for "assuming unto themselves the name of the Church, the power of ordination to the ministerie, & the sole execution of censures," he regards them as "scismatikes in denying thaime to be the churche, and the penalties which they have had to suffer as "all iustlie for youre disobedience and obstinacie." Neither side, as so often in religious controversy, could understand the position of the other. The ministers wished that it should "be lawfull for us to worship and honour the Lord Iesus according to the directions only left in his holy worde, and after the maner observed in the reformed Churches." To the King it seemed that they had that

[ocr errors]

The alternative was a grievous one, but perhaps inevitable. The ministers had appealed to the king "to weigh in his most wise and grave Deliberations, whether it bee not agreeable with the rule of sound Policie that each Constitution and established order in a State should sorte and corresponde with the nature and disposition of the people living therein." But what answer was possible to such an appeal save that which James gives : "Then are the puritains the onlie people living in englande." They quoted to him the admonition of Mæcenas to Augustus, that "it is a point of speciall wisdome, not to suffer new names, or ought from whence whence discord may

arise," and he draws the inference unfavourable to themselves: "it is worse, then, to suffer a new religion, & quiche is composed onlie of discorde, & contradiction, & fomentid by partialitie & discontentement," and argues "youre profession is noe so olde as some of youre selfis."

They were for ever looking abroad, whereas the King's chief concern in dealing with them was for the internal government of his own dominions, and his family connexions had not predisposed him in favour of foreign customs. "We are not heir subiect to the municipal lawis of denmarke," he tells them when they complain of the Prelates as "seazing upon the Magistracie & charges, which are the proper right and interest of the Nobilitie and Gentrie." James desired peace, and the ministers themselves admit that "wee are not ignorant that it is suggested unto your Ma. that, for silencing of Dissensions in the Church, the silencing of Inconformitans [a wonderful word!] is an admirable and present meane." But they wished to substitute a new conformity of their own rather than to dwell at peace with their neighbours, "sith wee have made it appeare unto your Maiestie (as wee hope) that the governement and courses interteyned by the Prelats are not so compatible with your scepter and State as the nature and forme of the governement sollicited by us." The hope was a vain one, as might have been anticipated,

for the King notes "The contrarie did euer appeare unto me." Possibly he might have been better disposed to his petitioners if they had shown themselves less conscious of the infirmities of the detested Prelates: "They must be, some of them great Primates: some Countie Palatines: most of them Commissioners for the peace." James retorts "Indeid ye are not fitte comissioners for the peace, uenistis enim mittere gladium in terram" a sentence which the Puritans, more mindful of its source, would scarcely (had they heard it) have considered a reproach. But they were, they protested, his Majesty's "serviceable and faithfull Subiects (in the multitude of whom consisteth the strength and glorie of a Prince, and amongst whom the losse even of one ought to bee precious in his sight)." They failed, however, to realise that in Stuart eyes the first guarantee of such professions lay in unquestioning obedience, and this obedience (whatever they might say) they were unwilling to render but on terms. At the same time they allege in favour of their fidelity a truly surprising witness-none other than William Barlow, their old opponent at Hampton Court, whose homilies stirred Andrew Melville not to conversion but to epigram, and who was now Bishop of Lincoln. There is a curious interest in examining the evidence drawn from so unexpected a quarter when we turn to the reference given, as James no doubt himself did, in what seems to be the

petitioners did not deserve the censures and imputations to which they say that they are exposed-reproaches "for arrogancie and pride, for want of all good literature and knowledge, for men of factious and turbulent spirits, for Schismatickes and Puritans." "Oure churche," he remarks drily, "owghte to be noe blamed for calling blakke blakke, & quhyte quhyte, & geuing euerie thing the right name. And so the attempt failed. If this "humble supplication had proved its writers' learning, it had served on the other hand to deepen the impression that they were turbulent and restless spirits.

King's own copy (now at
Lambeth) of the work called
'An Answer to a Catholike
English-man (so by him-selfe
entituled).' "Puritanes," we
read, "though they have peevish
mindes, and refractarie against
the Lawes for Ceremonies, yet
they have no bloodie hearts to
his Maiesty, at least no such
ouertures for action doe ap-
peare: Papists have, which
they could not conceal even in
their Petition:
Petition where they
wished his Maiestie as great
a Saint in heaven as hee is a
King upon Earth." The testi-
mony is less negative than the
Letters testimonial which a
famous college in Oxford (with
a caution born of an origin even
further north) is accustomed,
we believe, to give to those of
its distinguished sons who seek
fellowship in other societies;
but it is surely one of the
quaintest certificates of char-
acter ever produced in support
of an application for royal
favour. "The Bishop of Lin-
colne him selfe (so forcible is
trueth) doth acknowledge our
loyaltie to your royall person.'
As we read his Majesty's com-
ment-" Ye make his booke to
speake two contraries because
youre selfis are composid of
nothing but contradiction "-tempts
we shall probably admit that
the honours for wit rest neither
with King nor ministers but
with the Papists whom Barlow
quotes.

[ocr errors]

No testimony could persuade James, it would seem, that the

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

In peroration of real eloquence, marred only by a most uncharitable reference to the bishops, the ministers speak of the gratitude of all the King's subjects "when they shall see partiality and faction removed from out the severall Churches of this Lande." James was no doubt quite sincere when he wrote against it "quhiche canne never be but by the removing of you," and sincere too in adding to their final prayer, "The Lord disappoint the proiects and at

of your enemies, Amen," the words "and youre proiectis among the reste." For us it is a more grateful task to look beyond the controversy to the opening of a New World, and to seek the elements of union even in disruption.

NEW WARS FOR OLD.

BY COLONEL À COURT REPINGTON, C.M.G.

III. A REPLY TO CRITICS.

THE critics of the first of my two articles under the above title have considerately enabled me to fill a good-sized scrapbook with their opinions, and I propose, in this paper, to answer them.

For the benefit of inconstant readers of 'Maga' I will recall my argument. In my first article I endeavoured to show that the submarine menace promised to become so serious that in a few years' time there would be no place for any great ship in narrow waters. I noticed the new lines upon which naval strategy would probably be directed in order to consort with these new conditions, and I regretted that no means had yet been discovered to combat the submarine menace by naval means with any assurance of success. In my second article I discussed the military use of airships in naval war, and ventured to think that they would eventually assume much importance not only in reconnaissance but in the attack upon ships, fleets, and flotillas, including submarines, at sea and in port. I limited my inquiry to the North Sea and the Channel, and did not travel beyond

them.

So far as regards the strategical aspect of the naval question, the majority of my critics are agreed that we cannot

now repeat our procedure in the old wars. But a minority dissents strongly from this view, and as Mr W. H. Wilson in 'The Daily Mail' has made himself the chief exponent of this minority, I will begin by subjecting his opinions to a little scrutiny. If Mr Wilson does not like the strategy to which I have referred, I assume he knows a better, and the talented author of "Ironclads in Action" must, I feel, have thought the matter out before committing a paper with so wide a circle of readers to a hopelessly impracticable policy at sea.

But, as I read Mr Wilson's article of June 7, I become much less confident that he has fully considered the course of action which he favours. He begins by describing my ideas as "The Policy of Running Away." I suppose that this is considered an effective headline. I mark it down as a flat-catching appeal to vanity and thoughtlessness; but it is interesting as an example of the kind of influence which may be brought to bear upon a Board of Admiralty in time of war. Now what is it that Mr Wilson desires? He says that we should "attack the enemy vigorously on his own coast and prevent his ships getting to sea. 99 I have al

« PredošláPokračovať »