pearance of the Statistical Account, flowed in from many of the most eminent statesmen and philosophers of Europe, and proceed to notice the appointment of Sir John Sinclair to the Board of Agriculture. This establishment was organized at his suggestion by Mr Pitt, and the first place was naturally assigned to the originator. Sir John, on entering on the duties of president, made an inaugural speech, in which he pledged himself unnecessarily, since his character was pledge enough to devote his time and labour to promote the great objects contemplated by the Board. This promise he fulfilled to the letter, but it may be doubted whether much benefit, of any sort, resulted from the establishment. The funds allotted by Parliament for agricultural and statistical purposes were too small for the attainment of the desired ends, and the most important undertakings were starved by the parsimony of the government. At length, through the influence of Mr Pitt, Sir John Sinclair was superseded in the office of president by Lord Somerville. From that period the vigour and activity of the establishment visibly declined; and in a few years the Board of Agriculture, from which so much had been expected, died a natural death, unregretted, we believe, by any one.

attention from the subject, we know not, but the "General Report of England" remains, and is long likely to remain, a work in nubibus.

In a

When Mr Addington came into power, we find Sir John Sinclair again assuming rather an active part in politics. The particular views he took, and the influence he excited, will be best explained by the following very interesting passage from the Memoirs :

"Among my father's private memoranda I find a curious paper, describing the state of parties while Mr Addington was in power. Exclusive of minor sections, they amounted to no less than seven, namely, the friends of the King and his Minister, occupying a central position, with those of Mr Pitt, Lord Melville, and Lord Grenville on the one hand, and on the other those of the Prince of Wales and Mr Fox. In the King's party were inclu ded many members of both Houses, who, from motives of personal esteem, of private interest, or of political expediency, were anxious to support the government of George III., whoever might be his Counsellors. The Grenville party, or New Opposition, took the lead in the attack upon the Minister, and received occasional support from Mr Pitt, who, at the same time, maintained privately a connexion

with several members of the Cabinet, in particular with Mr Addington, Lord Hawkesbury, and Lord Castlereagh. So eager were the Grenvilles for the return of Mr Pitt to office, that they affirmed any man to be a public enemy who kept him out; 6 a strange declaration,' observes Sir John, 'considering who the person is that can alone replace him.' Lord Melville, it was understood, would carry with him about thirty members if he joined the Administration. The friends of the Prince of Wales, headed by Lord Moira, were a numerous body, but their real strength did not appear, as his Royal Highness would not at that time take an active part in politics.

"Assailed by powerful enemies on both sides, the Ministry could hardly attend to any thing but their own preservationthey could not venture upon the vigorous and decisive measures necessary at so critical a juncture for the public safety. They could not even stand without additional support. Sir John conceived that the most natural addition to their strength would be the friends of the Prince of Wales. He wrote, accordingly, to Mr Bragge, a relation of the Premier, suggesting that Lord Moira should be invited to take office. He urged that the noble

Lord would not only, by his talents for public speaking, be a powerful supporter in the Upper House, where a fit antagonist to Lord Grenville was much wanted, but would also, by his military experience, his political connexions, and his influence with the heir-apparent, contribute to the vigour and stability of the Administration.

"In the mean time, the Baronet had prepared the way for the intended accession to the Cabinet, by writing to his noble friend, from whom he received an answer not unfavourable to the project."

Letter from the Earl of Moira.

"Donnington, Dec. 2, 1801. "My dear Sir John,

66 6

All that you say of the feebleness of the present Administration, both with regard to Parliamentary support and to general opinion through the country, is perfectly just. It is clear, that in a moment of such infinite exigency as the present, Government cannot go on upon such precarious terms. There are many public circumstances, the pressure of which must be immediately answered; and if they cannot (as is beyond hope) be satisfactorily encountered, the people should at least have the notion that the embarrassment arises from the nature of the difficulties themselves, and not from inadequacy of skill in those who manage affairs. The latter supposition would affect more than the Administration; and, in the qualmish state of public disposition, would operate mischievously against our form of government. It is probable that Mr Addington will cast about to strengthen himself. He is an honourable and an amiable man; with, I believe, many just and manly principles respecting the execution of the trust reposed in him. Of course, there could not be, in limine, any objection to such a junction as you indicate. Ulterior points would possibly be difficult to settle. The opening which you exhibit for communication has been anticipated by a discussion of the Premier's situation, which took place long since; and, I trust, something has been matured for extricating his Royal Highness from a position intended to lower him in the estimation of the country. Thank Heaven, it has had the very contrary effect; but he has suffered under it in his personal feelings too long. Perhaps I may run up to town in a few days, but it is doubtful.

"I have the honour, my dear Sir John, to be, very faithfully, yours,

"Sir J. Sinclair, Bart."

"MOIRA.

"I need hardly inform the reader that this negotiation failed. Mr Addington

could not venture upon a step which would have brought him nearer to the Whig party, or Old Opposition, and would have estranged him altogether from Mr Pitt. His situation is depicted in a very lively manner by various correspondents of my father, out of whom I select his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence, and Mr Tyrwhitt, M. P. Secretary to the Prince. Had this country,' says the Duke, an able and active Administration, I should be afraid of nothing; but, in my opinion, our Ministers, and even the country, want energy, which I will endeavour to give it in every debate we shall have in Parliament. I am ready either for the Cabinet or the fleet; but I have no reason to expect either situation, and must, therefore, do all the good I can in Parliament ; and, if the invasion does take place, I shall have the honour of attending his Majesty, if permitted.'

"A subsequent letter has these words: As for these politics, you never heard me say I thought the present Administration efficient, and without doubt Lord Hobart is the worst of them all. But I see no likelihood of a change; where Pitt goes against Addington, there Fox will support Ministers; and Fox will oppose Government in those measures which Pitt will approve. In short, if these champions could unite, they would not carry one hundred members out of six hundred and fifty-eight. The crown, the union with Ireland, and above all, the dread of the times, will, in my opinion, prevent a change of men. Certainly Lord Moira ought to be brought forward, and I wish the overtures of the Prince of Wales had not been rejected.'

"Mr Tyrwhitt expressed similar sentiments in a strain of characteristic jocularity.

Rumour says the Grenvilles and Pitt are again one; if so, the Doctor cannot stand long; but really it appears to me to require a supernatural genius to guess what is probable to happen, or who will be Minister. All I know is, that there seems at present want of confidence in the public as far as regards the present men.' About a year afterwards, Mr Tyrwhitt thus renews his conjectures :-The latest intelligence to be relied on brings a certainty we shall have to contend pro aris et focis. You will have observed how each party has flirted with the other. Till some junction takes place, the Doctor will continue to pursue his milk-and-water system. He may have, and certainly enjoys, a majority, it is true; but it is also true there is a general want of confidence, and rumour states that a question is to be cooked, on which two hundred will be brought to the post against the Doctor. What this can

be, unless it be the Catholic question, I cannot imagine.' A more favourable opinion of the Addington Administration is given by my father's old friend the Earl of Buchan (eldest brother of Lord Chancellor Erskine), who draws a comparison between the Premier and his predecessor thus I like the present Chancellor of the Exchequer the better for his having been long in the trammels of a Speaker of the House of Commons, and having been more accustomed to hear and to act than to harangue and to disturb. If the son of my old friend Chatham, instead of having been brought from Eton school to govern a great nation, had been nursed, like Addington, or bred up in the school of adversity like the old cock his father, he would have been in a more enviable and honourable situation, and certainly in a more useful one than he is or can be at present.'

"Sir John Sinclair and his political friends had agreed, as we have seen, in approving the peace of Amiens; but the insatiable ambition of the First Consul, who maintained his armies on a war establishment, and acted as the dictator of the Continent, adding new territories to his dominions without scruple or apology, made it clear to them that the treaty of Amiens was a dangerous armistice, rather than a settled peace. The following extract from a letter of the Duke of Clarence, shows that his Royal Highness, who took a lively interest in the polities of the times, concurred in this opinion.

"I am happy to see you think with me that war is better than the state we have been in since the truce (I will not call it the peace) of Amiens. I cannot help thinking war must be the event. In this case, and indeed in any other, the valuable and interesting paper respecting parties you sent me, will form a page in the history of

the country.

"I shall now conclude with this sentiment either a glorious and vigorous war, or an honourable and safe peace, which must secure to the King and the empire, Malta imprimis; no footing in America to France; no foreign possessions to be required by France, either of Spain, Portugal, or Holland; no more than a certain proportion of ships and troops to be maintained by France in India; and last, though not least, no commercial agent, or, in other words, no distinguished officers of the French artillery and engineers to be permitted by Great Britain to reside in her sea-port towns throughout the empire. I think we must, and do agree. Adieu.'

"The sentiments of Lord Moira, to the same effect, are embodied in the following letter:

"Donnington, Nov. 6, 1802. "Many thanks, my dear Sir John, for the printed Report which I yesterday received from you, as well as for your obliging letter. The publication is of a very useful nature.

"I do not think any discussions are likely to arise, in the present moment, of consequence sufficient to make it worth while to take your seat before Christmas. That we shall have war I firmly believe, but I am persuaded that Buonaparte, by the semblance of an accommodating disposition on the points in dispute, will protract the time of rupture till he shall be better prepared to strike at our foreign possessions. The delay will not be above three or four months. In the mean-while, an arrangement is in agitation, and will, I think, take place, by which Pitt is again to be Prime Minister. He is not to transact business with the King, but Addington (peer and Privy Seal) is to be charged with that function. Lord Westmoreland probably displaces Lord Hobart; the Duke of Portland remains; Lord Spencer, Lord Grenville, and Windham, not to be taken in. Such is the outline of a plan which certainly has been presented, and has been in some degree approved. You see what a jumble it is; Lord St Vincent is vehement against it. It is possible I may soon see you. The Duc de Berri has proposed to visit me early in spring. I ought to make my bow to him, and I may probably arrange to make the jaunt with the Duke of Orleans, who has the same intention. I have the honour to be your faithful and obedient servant,

"MOIRA.'"

Nothing could be more disgraceful than the general panic which spread through the country in the years 1803 and 1804. The victorious career of Napoleon seemed to have scared men's judgments from their propriety, and they gazed across the channel with fear and trembling. Fortunately the helm of state was consigned to strong and skilful hands. Perhaps no man but Mr Pitt could have weathered the storm, and preserved inviolate both the national honour and interests. Had the timid and truckling Whigs succeeded in scrambling into power a year or two sooner than they did, a deep and permanent stain would in all probability have been left on the fair name of England. Personal friendship attached Sir John Sinclair to Lord Melville, but even after his retirement from office he continued his strenuous support of Mr Pitt; and on learning that the great minister con

templated retiring from public life, he addressed a letter to him, entreating that he would not desert his King and country at a crisis when his exertions were most wanted. Mr Pitt, so far from being offended by this freedom, bestowed increased marks of confidence on his correspondent. Soon afterwards he appointed him a commissioner for the construction of roads and bridges in the north of Scotland. He likewise transmitted to him through Mr Huskisson, the secretary to the treasury, a very flattering message, expressing readiness to bestow on him a remuneration for his laborious and extensive services to the public. But the lamp of this great statesman's life was already flickering in the socket, and before the object could be accomplished he died.

The next of Sir John's great labours was the Code of Health and Longevity. Valuable as the work is, we are not sure that it exhibits the most judicious application of his talents. We think he might have left health and longevity to the doctors, whose ire we can readily conceive to have been very great at this irregular poaching on their manor. These gentlemen having duly taken out license, were naturally annoyed at not being quietly suffered to kill their game in their own way. It was of course provoking to have swan-shot publicly recommended by a dilettante practitioner, in cases where they had always employed No. 6. They accordingly devoted the work to summary destruction. Magazines and reviews, both medical and literary, made furious attacks on it. Physician, surgeon, and apothecary, all joined in this professional hostility, and armed with pill and pestle, gallipot and syringe, rushed forward in disorderly array and with loud outcry to defend the mysteries of their common craft. The coalition, however, was not very successful. They succeeded in making a few holes in the obnoxious work, but these were by no means between wind and water; and having passed through five editions it still holds its place, and is confessedly, from the vast mass of information it contains, a work of great utility even to the professional student.

The code of agriculture, in which Sir John next engaged, was a more felicitous subject for the exercise of his peculiar powers. This excellent work could not add to his fame, for that had

already spread, not from Indus, but Edinburgh to Peru; but it did add to the number of benefits he conferred on his country. It certainly drew forth the applause of all those whose knowledge of the subject qualified them to appreciate the success and importance of his labours.

Being a staunch Highlander, it was not to be expected that Sir John, with his characteristic activity of mind, would escape from having some part in the Ossianic controversy. Accordingly we find him filling the situation of president of a committee of the Highland Society, appointed to superintend the translation of certain Gaelic MSS. bequeathed by Macpherson, with the sum of L.1000 to defray the cost of publication. The work was published in three volumes octavo, with a prefatory dissertation on the authenticity of the Ossianic poems, by the president. Of the flame of controversy which once burned so fiercely on this trite and tiresome subject, scarcely enough now remains to light a cigar. Polemics, Celtic and Sassenach, wrote on it, and abused each other as long as the public would read, and then quietly left Ossian to share the admiration of schoolboys, with Robinson Crusoe and the Seven Champions of Christendom. The following note from the author of Waverley, in relation to this subject, is interesting, as every thing must be that proceeded from his pen :

"Mr Scott has the honour to offer

respectful compliments to Sir John Sinclair, with his best thanks for the copy of the Essay on Ossian's poetry. Mr Scott is totally ignorant of the Gaelic, without which he conceives it almost impossible to form an accurate opinion concerning the merits of the respective translations; but he has no doubt, from the superior simplicity of expression in the new version, it must be nearer the original. When circumstances permit Mr Scott to bestow a more attentive perusal on Sir John Sinclair's curious pamphlet, he will be happy to embrace the opportunity Sir John offers him, of conversing upon the

subject. The principal difficulty seems to Mr Scott to lie in proving the authenticity of the Gaelic version itself, as it seems

entirely to rest upon the credit of Mr Macpherson himself, whose character seems to be given up on all hands. The business of the Court, joined to some personal avocations, prevents Mr Scott from

In regard to those of the subject of these Memoirs, Mr Sin

On the bullion question, Sir John wrote a great deal, but with little effeet, and the subject has been too often discussed to retain much interest at the present day. In 1811, he retired from Parliament, owing to the embarrassed situation of his affairs, and accepted the office of Cashier of Excise in Scotland, the emoluments of which amounted to about L.2000 a

year. We have hitherto regarded Sir John Sinclair only as a public man. It becomes proper now to shift the scene, and exhibit him as he appeared in the retirement of his family, surrounded by those to whom he was an object of mingled reverence and attachment. To the education of his children Sir John brought the same acuteness and practical good sense which distinguished him in other mat

ters.

In 1814, Sir John again visited the Continent, and was every where received with great distinction. Shortly after his return, he finally took up his abode in Edinburgh. Though retired from public life, no diminution of his mental activity took place. His correspondence was voluminous, and the great public questions of the day afforded abundant materials for discussion by means of the press. In truth, writing with him had grown into a habit, which it would have been painful to discontinue. The last labour in which he was engaged was the collection of materials for a code of political economy and code of religion, neither of which works did he live to complete. The former would, no doubt, have been a compilation of great utility. With regard to the latter, the title seems to have been ill-selected. We presume the work contemplated by Sir John was a sort of catalogue raisonné of the various theological tenets which, since the introduction of Christianity, have engaged the belief of any portion of its followers.

We have now only to advert to the closing scene of this admirable and well spent life. Religion is an affair between man and his God, and in all that relates to it, we consider it unwarrantable to pry into tenets or sentiments which are not voluntarily re

VOL. XLII. NO, CCLXI.

hand, thought proper to raise the veil; and it is with heartfelt gratification that we learn that he who conferred so many important benefits on his country died an humble and sincere believer in that faith, without which there is no hope.

"The remaining pages of this work will naturally be employed in an account of my father's preparation for the closing scene of his honourable life. I have already in my first chapter mentioned, that he received in early youth a religious education from his excellent mother, and in her had seen a living example of practical piety. Under her care,' he says (in a private memorandum upon the subject), I was accustomed to read the Scriptures; to pray regularly; and to attend the ordinances of religion.' There are still extant among his papers various evidences of the timely impression made by Christian principle upon his mind, in hymns, forms of prayer, and striking quotations from the best divines. At a later period, however, after he had entered upon public life, and had become immersed in those absorbing pursuits, which, without habitual watchfulness and prayer, religious feelings, he had reason to lament, are so apt to weaken, and even paralyse as he himself acknowledged, that spiritual interests were in a great degree forgotten. His moral character continued irreproachable, but his piety had declined. On one occasion, his friend Arthur Young, with a fidelity not common in the world, ventured to remonstrate with him on his spiritual lukewarmness. Your conduct,' said Mr Young, surprises me beyond measure. You are a moral man. You do all the good in your power; you fulfil with great strictness all your relative duties; but you are not a Christian. You hardly ever attend the public ordinances of religion. You rarely, if ever, read the Bible, and you probably neglect private prayer. How can you, who know that you ought to act differently, expect to prosper? Think of these things before it is too late.'